By Seth Mandel
Wednesday, August 19, 2026
Last year, as the Trump administration continued its
investigations into anti-Semitism at elite universities, several civil-rights
attorneys at the Department of Justice were temporarily transferred to the
agency running the anti-Semitism probe to help with the workload. One of those
was Haley Van Erem.
The events that followed produced lessons in three
problems that have held back the government’s attempts to restore the civil
rights of America’s Jewish college students:
1. The ideological opposition to combating anti-Semitism
among career bureaucrats.
2. Those same bureaucrats’ resentment at being told to
apply civil-rights law, specifically Title VI, to Jews.
3. The Trump administration’s aversion to process norms.
Van Erem quit and has now filed a “whistleblower”
complaint that appears aimed at derailing the application of civil-rights law
to Jews, even as she perfunctorily denounces anti-Semitism.
Van Erem contends that the administration began the
investigation already believing the colleges violated Jewish students’ civil
rights. That’s probably true: by the time Van Erem grudgingly joined the
inquiry, civil-rights violations had been happening in full view of the public.
These included university employees discriminating against Israeli students on
the basis of national origin, mobs physically blocking Jewish students from
accessing areas of campus, and the uneven application of university codes of
conduct to the detriment of Jews.
Van Erem also complains that she was given overly strict
deadlines that prevented her from dragging out the process to her satisfaction,
and that she was often overruled by her superiors—though her complaint
actually paints a picture of her bosses being surprisingly receptive and
willing to incorporate the objections of an employee who made clear that she
didn’t want to be there. Last, Van Erem describes an administration that would
launch investigations without evidence of wrongdoing, but because of the sheer
volume of anti-Jewish agitation permitted on these campuses, this particular
claim is so ridiculous and self-discrediting as to make one question whether
Van Erem is engaging in some form of interpretive performance art.
The Trump administration’s aversion to process norms is
real, but Van Erem vastly inflates their importance because her motive seems to
be to fatally undermine federal application of Title VI processes to Jews.
Therefore, the occasional example of genuinely inappropriate interference in
education—Trump’s team proposing external curriculum monitors at Harvard, for
example—must be exaggerated into something that rises to the level of
actionable legal reprisals, such as “gross mismanagement, by departing from investigative
sequencing and quality controls as required by regulation.”
That last point, the desire to put in legal jeopardy
those who investigated anti-Semitism at top universities, is key to
understanding this whole event.
Like clockwork, Jamie Raskin, the Maryland congressman
and ranking Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, took the baton handed to
him by Van Erem and promised
retribution for Trump officials. He called the anti-Semitism investigations a
“frame-up operation” and threatened to push changes to the Civil Rights Act
itself.
Raskin’s promised lawfare against federal employees
involved in strengthening the enforcement of civil-rights law is no doubt the
goal of complaints like those voiced by Van Erem. Raskin, further, is the
perfect receptacle for these complaints. His Jewishness provides cover for
Democrats who are, as Raskin presumably is, intent on dismantling federal
protections for Jews and insulating
the Democratic Party from accountability for its exploding anti-Semitism.
Raskin is also a co-sponsor
of legislation that would enforce a partial arms embargo against Israel. He has
fought anti-Semitism-related legislation and has been critical
of Israel’s response to the October 7 massacre since the beginning of the
Hamas-instigated war.
Raskin also demanded
testimony from Harmeet Dhillon, the Justice Department’s assistant attorney
general for civil rights, alleging that it was a “a distinct possibility” that
Dhillon “deliberately orchestrated a scheme to attack universities, their
faculties, and their administrators for political purposes while defrauding the
American people and the courts.”
If the Democrats, as expected, win control of the House
in the midterms, they are vowing to use this power to make government officials
pay, and pay dearly, for daring to investigate universities’ discrimination
against Jewish students. In the past, this would have struck most observers as
a bizarre choice of priorities. In 2026, it’s what the public has come to
expect from Raskin and company.
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