By John Gustavsson
Sunday, August 30, 2026
After years of living in denial, the European Union has
seemingly finally noticed that it lacks something the U.S. has: a vibrant tech
sector. Europe’s lack of a tech industry has increasingly left it dependent on
America and Silicon Valley. Two new initiatives aim to mitigate this issue and
take Europe toward “digital independence.” Sadly, they are both misguided.
The first is EuroStack, an initiative that originated
from a multiparty conference at the European Parliament in September 2024. Out
of this came a policy report envisioning a way to break European
dependency across raw materials and chips, networks, cloud, software, data, and
AI through €300 billion of investment across ten years.
In parallel, the industry-led EuroStack Industry
Initiative began its work lobbying policymakers to create artificial demand for
European tech through public procurement (its pillars are “Buy European,” “Sell
European,” and “Fund European”). EuroStack has been publicly endorsed by
several European leaders, as well as by the European Parliament’s industry, research, and energy (ITRE) committee.
While one cannot fault the European tech sector for
looking for a bailout, it is unlikely it will be able to grow as long as the
regulatory attitude toward tech remains hostile. The EU itself is the main
culprit through regulations such as the GDPR, Digital Services Act, Digital
Markets Act, and AI Act. It is, perhaps, quite telling that the EU tech sector
seems to have given up hope that these regulations may be lifted and instead
seems to simply aim to have some of the costs of compliance reimbursed through
public procurement contracts.
Yet, the idea that €300 billion over ten years would
bring Europe anywhere close to digital independence is ludicrous. In Silicon
Valley, this kind of money is spare change. Spread across an entire continent’s
technological supply chain, it looks more like miserly alms to the impoverished
EU tech sector.
The industry wing has conceded as much and made it clear
that the €300 billion figure is not the real prize, going as far as to say it’s
become a “distraction.” What they most want is a slice of the demand that
Europe already sends abroad: most importantly, the roughly €260 billion that
European organizations spend on U.S. cloud and software annually.
Most of the €300 billion would not be a single new line
on the EU’s budget. Yet, for contrast, over the 2021–2027 period, the EU has
earmarked approximately €661 billion to be spent on the climate transition. Clearly, nobody in Brussels anticipated
the AI race when going all in on climate. Now, with so much of the budget
already dedicated to a transition that is leaving Europe less technologically independent by the day, options to
genuinely support the continent’s tech sector in a meaningful way are far more
limited.
Beyond deregulation, Europe’s best chance is — for once —
to follow Sweden’s lead: As one of the only European countries
that is punching above its weight in producing “unicorns,” Sweden could teach
the rest of the European Union a lesson on facilitating venture capital growth. For a high-tax
economy, Sweden’s treatment of start-ups and serial entrepreneurs is shockingly
libertarian, with highly preferential tax treatment of employee stock options
and angel investors. And of course, we don’t have silly things like wealth taxes.
Limiting public procurement options through “Buy
European” rules is likely to have the opposite effect: Unable to simply
purchase digital services from whoever offers the best quality, public sectors
throughout the union would become less efficient, giving taxpayers even less
bang for the large buck they pay in taxes in most of the EU. It is also debatable if such rules will even prove to be compatible
with the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Government Procurement Agreement —
not that anyone seems to care about the WTO anymore.
More troublingly, a tech sector kept alive through the
life support of taxpayer money would not be a tech sector that could
meaningfully innovate in a way that contributes to productivity. Instead of
optimizing for everyday users, businesses will optimize for tenders. Once
businesses are on the receiving end of bureaucratic chest compressions, their
goal turns from pleasing consumers to pleasing the bureaucrats pounding on
their ribcages. Of course, considering the EU’s hostile attitude toward tech,
it may not view an enthralled tech industry as a bad thing; at least it will be
easier to regulate.
Which brings us to EuroSky, a project launched publicly
in April this year by the Netherlands-based Modal Foundation, providing a
European-hosted infrastructure for the AT Protocol, which is the same open
standard that Bluesky runs on.
While a separate initiative from EuroStack, it too seeks
to bring digital independence to Europe by creating a European social media
ecosystem with data servers based in Europe and a shared layer of social media
infrastructure. Among its founders is Sebastian Vogelsang, who also founded the
Bluesky-based app Flashes.
With all EuroSky social media platforms based in Europe,
the shared content moderation envisioned by its founders would by necessity
have to align with EU law. Apparently not seeing the irony, Robin Berjon,
another one of its architects, described EuroSky as a way to get around “authoritarian infrastructure providers.”
While he did not explicitly name Elon Musk as the
“authoritarian” in question, Musk has a long-running conflict with the EU, with
European policymakers repeatedly threatening to ban X. It is perhaps not a
coincidence that the very first homegrown EuroSky social media app is a microblogging platform, Mu.
Of course, on its own, any EuroSky social media platform
will fail for the same reason that Bluesky, Threads, and all others did: The
number of people willing to abandon a thriving platform because they dislike
the owner’s political views is small. Competitors therefore almost
automatically become intolerable leper colonies full of bitter people who use
their competing platforms for little else than just complaining about the other
platform and posting stuff that would not be allowed or would not be prioritized
by the other platform’s algorithm.
Prior to Musk’s acquisition of Twitter, several
right-wing alternatives like Parler failed like Bluesky to gain widespread
adoption because their initial user bases of angry political radicals scared
off any users other than those on the fringes of politics.
That is not to say that EuroSky platforms may not play
any role. One reason European policymakers have failed to ban X and other
repeat offenders of the Digital Services Act is that they know there is no
alternative they could direct users to if these platforms were geoblocked.
Without an alternative, the political price of taking away platforms that users
have come to rely on for years would just be too great. This is where EuroSky
would come in.
While digital independence is a serious issue for Europe,
neither EuroStack nor EuroSky offers serious answers: Europe does not lack for
engineers, capital, and market size. What it lacks is a political class willing
to let go of its “regulate first, ask questions later” attitude toward tech
innovation. Neither public procurement nor a “safe space” social media
ecosystem will ever replace the successful formula that once built Silicon
Valley: allowing people to build things that the state has not already approved.
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