Thursday, May 14, 2026

The Sexual Barbarism of October 7

National Review Online

Thursday, May 14, 2026

 

On October 7, 2023, the world watched as Hamas terrorists and their supporters spilled over Gaza’s borders into Israel, slaughtering and torturing anyone in their paths.

 

The enormity of the attack has always been clear, but a recently released report conducted by the Civil Commission, an independent Israeli women’s rights organization, recounts the barbarism of that day in excruciating, granular detail.

 

It is not for the faint-hearted. The Daily Mail was the first to report on the commission’s findings, which were compiled by researchers who interviewed over 400 witnesses, survivors, and experts, and who sifted through 10,000 photographs and 1,800 hours of “visual analysis.” The report’s authors detailed evidence of mass murder, systemic rape, mutilation, dismemberment, sexual torture, immolation, and medieval torments once consigned to history.

 

“There wasn’t a single body that just ‘died normally,’” one survivor told examiners. “Every single one had gone through torture.” One woman who was gang-raped by terrorists had her breasts cut off. Her attackers toyed with one, threw it in the street, and raped her before executing their victim while her assault was ongoing. Another woman was stabbed to death and posthumously raped in front of witnesses. “In parts of the body, in the intimate area, nails were embedded,” said one first responder of the bodies he encountered. Another emergency worker described “aluminum cans, grenades, nails, blunt objects, rods, household tools and spike-like instruments, inserted into genitals and other parts of the body” of the victims.

 

That practice was, apparently, systemic. In one room where bodies were discovered “completely mutilated,” a third witness found “knives, scalpels, a hammer, an axe, screwdrivers,” and other “tools from the household” inserted into corpses.

 

The torture was gleeful — filmed by its executors, in many cases — and there were no bounds of human decency. “Adults and children were bound and burned with wire around them,” said one witness. Hamas hostages were, “in some cases, sexually abused alongside or in front of family members.” More horrifying still, family members were “forced to commit sex acts on each other,” the Daily Mail reported, “an intentional, premeditated strategy of kinocide to destroy family units even after release from captivity.”

 

Although men “were also sexually abused and, in at least one case, gang raped,” the women who fell into Hamas’s clutches endured the worst tortures. They were “stripped, bound, stabbed, shot and burned,” and often “executed both during and after rape.” Some women’s heads “had been bashed in, with their brains spilling out.” Others were riddled with so many bullets their extremities disintegrated. Their genitals were disfigured, impaled, and burned, as were their faces. The attackers’ goal, the report concluded, was “to destroy their beauty and rob their loved ones of a final goodbye.”

 

The report concludes that the brutality on display on October 7 was so uniform that it was obviously “systemic, widespread, and integral” to the attack. In other words, it was all part of the plan. Hamas terrorists were not indulging a spontaneous reptilian impulse; they were following orders.

 

That’s the most crucial of the report’s implied findings. It comes at a conspicuous time, too.

 

This week, just in advance of this report’s release, New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof accused the State of Israel of a version of the same kind of savagery.

 

While Kristof’s piece dutifully acknowledges that there “is no evidence that Israeli leaders order rapes,” the columnist nevertheless accused Israel of deploying sexual abuse against Palestinian detainees as a matter of “organized state policy.” Among the many accusations is the claim that Israel has managed to train dogs to anally penetrate male prisoners.

 

It was a facially implausible accusation that is already falling apart upon scrutiny.

 

The thin and dubious sourcing for the allegation probably would not have survived the Times’ typically rigorous fact-checking regime had it not been too titillating — and too damaging to Israel — to check. And Kristof’s report had the practical utility — if not to him, certainly to his pro-Hamas sources — of preempting the Civil Commission’s report. If everyone’s guilty, who’s to say who the real malefactor is?

 

For tacit and explicit supporters of Israel’s terrorist enemies, the truth doesn’t matter. They need no evidence to support the notion that Israel is a genocidaire — even if it is an incompetent one that somehow allowed the Palestinian population expand. To the extent that they demand any proof that Israel is engineering famines in the Palestinian territories, the images of children (it’s always children) who suffer from unrelated genetic conditions will suffice. Anything to undermine the Jewish state and support the enemies of our civilization who are arrayed against it.

 

It is incumbent on the rest of us to be clear-eyed about the nature of the enemy that confronts us, which no one who reads the Civil Commission’s horrifying report in good faith can doubt.

Bad Hombres

By James P. Sutton, Peter Gattuso, & Ross Anderson

Thursday, May 14, 2026

 

On February 22, Mexican special forces cornered Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes—better known as “El Mencho,” Mexico’s most-wanted man and the leader of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel—at a ranch in Tapalpa, in the state of Jalisco. Wounded in the ensuing firefight, he died on a helicopter ferrying him to a military hospital. His men retaliated within hours, torching cars, blockading highways, and shutting down parts of nearly a dozen Mexican states. The blockades—which spread to 20 of Mexico’s 32 states—killed at least 25 members of the country’s National Guard.

 

Eduardo Guerrero, a former Mexican security official, said the killing was “the most important blow that has been dealt to drug trafficking in Mexico since drug trafficking existed in Mexico.” And it wasn’t a one-off operation.

 

In the months since, Mexican authorities have seized or killed major leaders of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, the Sinaloa Cartel, and the Northeast Cartel—and on Monday, Mexican security forces arrested José Antonio Cortes Huerta, a top operative of a Northeast Cartel cell, during a raid in Nuevo León. During the operation, they seized narcotics, cash, 10 firearms, 11 cars, six motorcycles, and seven tigers.

 

Publicly, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum—of the left-wing populist Morena party (formally the National Regeneration Movement)—has moved against the cartels amid economic threats from the White House. President Donald Trump has repeatedly threatened tariffs to force Mexico’s hand, writing to Sheinbaum in July that “Mexico still has not stopped the Cartels who are trying to turn all of North America into a Narco-Trafficking Playground,” and telling reporters in October that “Mexico is run by the cartels, and we have to defend ourselves from that.”

 

Sheinbaum has insisted that Mexico “coordinates and collaborates” with Washington, “but does not subordinate itself.”

 

But America may be doing more than urging Sheinbaum on. A U.S. military-led task force provided intelligence support for the El Mencho operation, and U.S. authorities supplied intelligence ahead of April’s capture of CJNG commander Audias Flores Silva, known as “El Jardinero.” On Tuesday, CNN reported that the CIA’s paramilitary Ground Branch unit was leading an extensive campaign inside Mexico that included a car bombing that killed a mid-level member of the Sinaloa Cartel near Mexico City in March. (Mexican officials issued angry denials. A spokeswoman for the CIA referred to CNN’s story as “false and salacious reporting.”)

 

In January 2025, Trump signed an executive order directing the State Department to designate cartels and other criminal organizations as foreign terrorist organizations. The following month, the State Department named six Mexican cartels—including the Jalisco group—as foreign terrorist organizations (FTOs), and in August, Trump signed a secret directive ordering the Pentagon to use military force against them.

 

Sheinbaum’s tenure has ushered in a new phase of Mexico’s decades-long war against drug cartels and criminal violence, one marked by more intensive operations and greater cooperation with its northern neighbor. What remains to be seen is whether Sheinbaum is willing to confront the network of corruption that has long sustained the cartels—and that her own party has done little to dismantle.

 

When her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador—known as AMLO—entered office in 2018, cartel and other criminal violence was surging. Mexican police reported 33,341 homicides that year, the highest level since national record-keeping began in 1997—a record that would itself be surpassed within a year.

 

AMLO—the founder of Morena—proclaimed a “hugs, not bullets” approach toward drug cartels, prioritizing social programs over military and police actions. Homicides climbed through 2019 and 2020 before falling modestly, but the 2024 toll—33,550 killed in the year he left office—roughly matched 2018’s. Mexico’s homicide rate of 25.6 per 100,000 in 2024 was roughly five times the U.S. rate—higher than that of any American state, including Mississippi and Louisiana, the two most violent. The worst Mexican states (Colima, Morelos, Sinaloa) recorded rates above 80 per 100,000.

 

Since succeeding AMLO in 2024, Sheinbaum has taken a different approach. The former Mexico City mayor has deployed National Guard troops to the U.S.-Mexico border, intensified the crackdown on fentanyl labs and cross-border drug smuggling, and signed a constitutional amendment passed in November that gave Omar García Harfuch’s federal security ministry the authority to conduct its own criminal investigations and centralize intelligence across Mexican law-enforcement agencies.

 

The strategy may be showing results. Since 2024, Mexico’s prison population has increased 11 percent, to more than 260,000 people, a signal that not just the kingpins but also the mid-level criminals who frequently provide the cartels with weapons and vehicles are getting swept up in the crackdown.

 

Last year, authorities in the western state of Michoacán arrested 53 foreigners accused of cartel links, including 23 Colombians and 22 Venezuelans—some former soldiers brought in to train cartel fighters. Harfuch said intentional homicides have dropped about 40 percent since 2024, falling from roughly 86 violent deaths a day to 51. But some outside observers are more skeptical.

 

Nathan P. Jones, an associate professor of security studies at Sam Houston State University, pointed out that more than 130,000 people in Mexico are officially considered missing, a number that may reflect a rise in kidnappings for ransom.

 

“Is the homicide rate really going down, or are the disappearances going up, because people are getting better at hiding the bodies?” Jones asked TMD.

 

Will Freeman, a fellow for Latin America studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, acknowledged the statistics are contested but said the trend is real. Independent think tanks, like México Evalúa, estimate that the homicide reduction is smaller than the government claims, but still a substantial 22.2 percent. That would put the daily toll at about 67 deaths—roughly 19 fewer per day than before Sheinbaum took office.

 

While temporary agreements between law enforcement and cartel gangs have managed to reduce violence in particular regions, “nothing has ever held on the level of an entire country effectively,” Freeman told TMD. “I have to think that some of it is because of the strategy led by Omar García Harfuch.”

 

Harfuch, nicknamed “Batman” for his crime-fighting reputation, has applied technology and elite investigative units against criminal networks.

 

Some Mexico analysts think the Sheinbaum government’s strategy contains a flaw that will make it difficult to maintain any gains against the cartels: its focus on the drug war, motivated by the desire to appease the U.S.

 

“What has changed during this administration is the narrative,” driven by Trump’s desire to focus on the fentanyl trade, Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, co-director of the Corruption, Networks, and Transnational Crime Research Center at George Mason University, told TMD. “There is [a] lack of understanding in both countries, and especially in Washington, that we’re not dealing with these powerful organizations that produce fentanyl mainly,” Correa-Cabrera said. “We’re dealing with a very complex network.”

 

But the drug trade is hardly the only source of the cartels’ power, or the reason for Mexico’s endemic violence. Independent investigations and government reports have shown that Mexican criminal syndicates’ revenue streams are increasingly diversified—ranging from migrant smuggling to kidnapping and extortion to fuel theft from Pemex pipelines, and including thriving protection rackets in the tortilla and avocado industries. Among its various businesses, the Jalisco cartel traffics cocaine and methamphetamine as far as Australia, smuggles Chinese migrants into the United States, and runs illegal gold mining across South America.

 

Regional officials’ tolerance of cartel activity—and sometimes outright cooperation—is a key pillar of cartel strength, and a major problem for politicians who want to take on organized crime.

 

“In comparative terms, there is no other country in the history of mankind with the size of the criminal power that Mexico has,” Sergio Aguayo, a professor at El Colegio de México who studies national security and organized crime in Mexico, told TMD.

 

In 2023, Genaro García Luna—Mexico’s public security secretary from 2006 to 2012—was convicted in a U.S. federal court of accepting millions of dollars in bribes from the Sinaloa Cartel, becoming the highest-ranking Mexican official ever tried in the United States. He joins a long list of senior figures—Cabinet ministers, generals, governors—accused of working for or with the cartels.

 

Late last month, U.S. Justice Department prosecutors unsealed an indictment against Rubén Rocha Moya, the governor of Sinaloa state and one of Sheinbaum’s most powerful allies, accusing him of acting with nine others to protect the Sinaloa Cartel’s drug smuggling in exchange for bribes and the intimidation of Rocha’s political rivals.

 

Sheinbaum has resisted U.S. requests for Rocha’s extradition. She declared that she would allow Rocha to be sent to the U.S. only if it provided “solid and irrefutable” evidence of crimes under Mexican law or if the Mexican Office of the Attorney General’s own investigation uncovered crimes. (Rocha has temporarily stepped down while the investigation proceeds and denies wrongdoing.)

 

But a single high-profile prosecution—even of a governor from her own party—is unlikely to deter other officials from cutting deals with the cartels. Among state leadership alone, five former governors have been imprisoned by the Mexican government for making deals with criminal groups, and two more have been extradited to the U.S. in the past 10 years. “Even those exemplary prosecutions haven’t been enough,” Freeman said.

 

Sheinbaum may prove unwilling or unable to dismantle Mexico’s entrenched corruption, capping how far crime can fall. Mexico’s homicide clearance rate is around 10 percent, and corruption prosecutions of mid- and senior-level officials are rare. Those incentives—for the cartels and for the officials they pay—are what continue to drive the country’s rates of murder, kidnapping, and extortion.

 

Aguayo noted that many of the places in Mexico that have been able to bring violence under control are cities where leaders focus on coordinating multiple levels of government and society to fight criminal groups. When Sheinbaum was mayor of Mexico City, she and Harfuch developed a strategy to improve intelligence and target specific criminal networks, which helped bring homicides there down by roughly half from 2019 to 2023. “When you combine all those elements, then you can achieve some serious advances,” Aguayo said.

 

America’s impact is also not entirely positive. Mexican officials estimate up to 500,000 firearms are smuggled south each year. Sheinbaum’s government reports that 70 percent of weapons seized from organized crime originate in the United States. Last year, the Mexican government sued American gunmakers for fueling an “iron river” of arms, but the Supreme Court unanimously rejected it in June. Cartels now field IEDs, attack drones, and armor-piercing rounds.

 

But so far, it appears that Sheinbaum’s strategy—and desire—for confronting the cartels has clear limits.

 

Mexico’s murder rate is still far higher than it was in 2006, when the Mexican military first intervened against the cartels, Jones noted: “When it comes to Mexico, always bet on the status quo, even when it’s a negative equilibrium.”

Transgression for Its Own Sake

By Jonah Goldberg

Wednesday, May 13, 2026

 

In an exercise bordering on the sadomasochistic, I spent 20 minutes paging through a seemingly endless stream of quotes about “authenticity” at Goodreads.

 

Unsurprisingly, given the state of our culture, the bulk of them celebrate authenticity as the very definition of the good life, the life well and properly lived.

 

I can forgive some of the authors because what they mean by authenticity is really a hodge-podge of defensible sentiments, intuitions, and cliches that are sufficiently devoid of context to seem true enough for the people who want them to be true. Here are few examples:

 

“Confidence is knowing who you are and not changing it a bit because of someone’s version of reality is not your reality,” the “inspirational author” Shannon L. Alder tells us.

 

Mandy Hale advises in The Single Woman–Life, Love, and a Dash of Sass: Embracing Singleness with Confidence: “Consider the fact that maybe … just maybe … beauty and worth aren’t found in a makeup bottle, or a salon-fresh hairstyle, or a fabulous outfit. Maybe our sparkle comes from somewhere deeper inside, somewhere so pure and authentic and REAL, it doesn’t need gloss or polish or glitter to shine.”

 

In another quote she says, “You’ll learn, as you get older, that rules are made to be broken. Be bold enough to live life on your terms, and never, ever apologize for it. Go against the grain, refuse to conform, take the road less traveled instead of the well-beaten path. Laugh in the face of adversity, and leap before you look. Dance as though EVERYBODY is watching. March to the beat of your own drummer. And stubbornly refuse to fit in.”

 

Meanwhile, Steve Maraboli assures us in Unapologetically You: Reflections on Life and the Human Experience that“A lot of the conflict you have in your life exists simply because you’re not living in alignment; you’re not be being true to yourself.”

 

The writer May Sarton seems to concur: “We have to dare to be ourselves, however frightening or strange that self may prove to be.”

 

Now, I have never heard of any of these authors. I choose them not to single them out, but to illustrate how omnipresently ubiquitous such insights are. There are thousands more like this on Goodreads. If you directionally drill for this stuff in the broader culture—from fortune cookies, motivational posters, PSAs by TV networks (“the more you know!”), university orientation sessions and high school guidance counselor handbooks, family sitcom sermons, and the collected oeuvres of self-help, pop psychology, business, and life coach pabulum—you will realize that American culture sits atop a vast Permian Basin of cliches and aphorisms about being true to yourself.

 

And like oil reserves, these cliches are a commodity, fueling vast industrial complexes.

 

Hence the irony. The idea of defying conformity by being “authentically you” is one of the defining features of intellectual, psychological, and even spiritual conformity in modern life, punctuating commencement speeches and self-help books without a shred of reflection or awareness of the bullshitiosity of it all.

 

Don’t get me wrong. There is wisdom here, but it needs to be imposed in context. By all means, if you are surrounded by horrible people, don’t conform, don’t try to “fit in.” If you are a good and decent person, by all means be true to yourself.

 

But what if the people surrounding you are good and decent? Should you do everything you can not to fit in?

 

What if you’re a deceitful jackass? Should you still be true to yourself?

 

If you’re a racist or rapist and the “reality” of those around demands condemnation of such things, should you remain “confident” in your authentic self in the face of their “reality”?

 

If you’re at a funeral for a beloved family member or, say, a fallen fire fighter who lost his life to save a child, should you really “dance like EVERYBODY is watching?”

 

If you want to murder your boss and wear his skin to the supermarket, should you “dare to be” yourself, “however frightening or strange that self may prove to be”?

 

If your answer to any or all of these questions is “Yes, I’ve got to be me,” then you are a performative, childish jackass or simply an evil person.

 

In his Notebooks, Albert Camus says, “But above all, in order to be, never try to seem.”

 

This is rot, tosh, and folly. In order to be a good person, one must first try to seem like a good person. Resist the seductions of pure feeling, fight the laziness of finding your unformed self as already perfect, and strive to fit an ideal outside yourself. This is what we teach children, in the hope that in the trying, the habit will take root, and with the habit will come the being.

 

The dross of transgression.

 

David Brooks, in his Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There, wrote of how everything “transgressive” ends up “digested by the mainstream bourgeois order, and all the cultural weapons that once were used to undermine middle-class morality … are drained of their subversive content.” There’s a lot of truth to this. But it’s not entirely true. Some subversion remains. So much of this stuff is warmed-over Rousseau and Nietzsche who, each in their own way, sought to undermine, overturn—to subvert—Christian morality.

 

Say what you will about the old Christian dogmatists, they understood that being “true to yourself” was the way of sin. Indeed, giving in to human temptation was the very definition of sin, which is why so many of the seven deadly sins are about going with your feelings, being true to yourself, not conforming to the “reality” of others, never mind, you know, Scripture. Giving in to desires of the flesh, indulging laziness or sloth, thinking yourself better than you are, envying the good fortune of others: These are all natural, authentic, temptations.

 

Humans, according to Christian doctrine, are inherently sinful. But that does not necessarily mean, as I see it, that we are inherently or irredeemably evil. But what is required to avoid becoming—or doing—evil? Moral teaching. Rightly formed conscience. Instruction to know when your feelings are misleading you. Why shouldn’t you steal, if stealing feels good and delivers what your heart desires? Because, absent some very unusual and extreme circumstances, stealing is wrong. And every parent and grade school teacher is morally obliged to teach children this. 

 

This argument doesn’t necessarily require personal faith in Scripture, Christian or otherwise. But it does require thinking. Why do newspapers hire (often ridiculous) ethicists? Because figuring out ethical conduct requires consulting authoritative sources, facts, rules, lessons, and arguments that cannot be provided simply by rummaging through your own feelings. The most secular, atheistic, religion-shunning people in the world know this when it comes to questions about what kind of tuna to buy or whether it’s okay to keep a Tesla now that Elon Musk has become red-pilled. Tell one of these ethicists that you want to eat the most dolphin-unsafe tuna because it “feels good,” and they will tell you how morally disordered you are. Tell them you want to leave your wife and kids, you’ll likely be told to be true to yourself, because the heart wants what the heart wants.

 

Lionel Trilling, in his Sincerity and Authenticity, traces how “authenticity” came to supplant “sincerity” as a kind of cultural lodestar. Sincerity once meant something like authentic, as in pure, unadulterated. Sincere wine had not been watered down. It came to mean “honesty” first metaphorically. Sincere talk was unadulterated or diluted by guile or artifice. By the time Shakespeare used “sincere,” the metaphorical connotation was gone. It just meant from the heart, without pretense or ulterior motive.

 

But in the modern era, “sincere” was demoted. “In its commonest employment it has sunk to the level of a mere intensive, in which capacity it has an effect that negates its literal intention—‘I sincerely believe’ has less weight than ‘I believe,’” Trilling writes. In “the subscription of a letter, ‘Yours sincerely’ means virtually the opposite of ‘Yours’. To praise a work of literature by calling it sincere is now at best a way of saying that although it need be given no aesthetic or intellectual admiration, it was at least conceived in innocence of heart.”

 

A sincere effort means trying your best, usually as consolation because your best wasn’t good enough.

 

Trilling writes that “before authenticity had come along to suggest the deficiencies of sincerity and to usurp its place in our esteem, sincerity stood high in the cultural firmament and had dominion over men’s imagination of how they ought to be.”

 

And that’s the heart of it. Sincerity requires effort, it implies—or at least can imply—some level of thinking, of consideration and contemplation. Authenticity is laziness because it requires nothing more than grabbing the nearest feeling off your own personal shelf of emotions and passions. Sincerity means truth, authenticity means “true for me.”

 

But it’s worse than that, because the vast bulk of authenticity-mongering in our culture is not only inauthentic, it’s insincere. René Girard is profoundly useful on this point. What started in Rousseau as an (allegedly) sincere argument about authenticity being a rebellion against the false pieties of the church, or what was later dubbed “the system”—by a sprawling variety of nihilists, existentialists, Marxists, radicals, bohemians, hipsters, populists, and poseurs—became its own conformity. The tech billionaire who wears a hoodie and sneakers to seem authentic is just wearing the uniform of the authenticity industrial complex. The $100 (or $10,000) T-shirt is a conformist accessory for the well-dressed “rebel.”

 

The tradwife influencers, the professional rebels, the “true-to-themselves” “just asking questions” table pounders work tirelessly to seem effortlessly authentic, because that’s what sells in this capitalist system—that so many “authentic” radicals get rich by denouncing. How many hours at the gym, how many Botox injections, how many expensive unguents does one have to endure in order to seem authentically natural? How much prep time is required to look unconcerned with how you look? How many viral videos do you need to film inside your car in order to “keep it real”? How hard do you have to work to claim you’ve been censored?

 

The French poet Gérard de Nerval famously walked his pet lobster in public, telling people, “It does not bark and it knows the secrets of the deep.” That kind of shock-the-bourgeois nonsense is at least funny. But it wasn’t and isn’t authentic, nor is it even sincere. It’s a performance.

 

Transgressiveness was a multibillion-dollar lifestyle industry long before Columbia Records ran billboards vowing that “But the Man can’t bust our music.”

 

What is so infuriating and nauseating about so much of it is that the consumers and manufactures of this fashionable gruel can’t even see or acknowledge to themselves that they are high on their own supply. Universities teach protest and radicalism as a core value of a college education. They select applicants who fluently parrot the luxury belief shibboleths of social justice and anti-bourgeois rebellion, then pretend that campus protest is an authentic, spontaneous “happening.” 

 

Hollywood peddles the idea that a protagonist is a hero—or at least a cool anti-hero—if he sticks to his code, even when his code is objectively evil. Hannibal Lecter eats people, but we are supposed to pull for him all the same. Breaking Bad’s Walter White is a murderer and meth dealer, but he tugs at our hearts all the same. From the Corleones to the Sopranos, Frank Lucas to Tony Montana, mobsters are glorified. Omar Little is an audience favorite in The Wire, because even though he murders people, he follows his code—as does Dexter, the serial killer who only deviates from his rule of murdering other serial killers when there’s a chance he might get found out.

 

Politicians are lionized as saviors and redeemers on the grounds that they are authentic, even if they are authentic liars or idiots. Yes, President Donald Trump is authentic. He’s an authentic liar. He is sincere in his belief that lying and bullying is fine if it yields the results he wants. Say what you will about the man, he is true to himself. He dances like everyone is watching. He refuses to bend to the reality of others. Would you teach your children to be authentic like him?

 

Graham Platner, the Great Authentic Hope of Democrats and anti-Trump partisans, is authentic in his sincere desire to seem “authentic.” But which is the authentic Platner? The one who got the Nazi tattoo? The one who lied about knowing it was Nazi tattoo? The one who erased it so he could run for office?

 

Populism always and everywhere depends on the cult of false authenticity. It elevates the heroic leader who defies the system, who represents the “authentic” people and their grievances and desires to punish the other people. As German political philosopher Jan-Werner Müller writes, “the core claim of populism: only some of the people are really the people.” “We are the people. Who are you?” Turkish strongman Recep Erdoğan says to his critics. The authentic will of “the people” is legitimate and sacred, but “the people” is never defined as all of the people, just the “right people,” the real people—the “true” Germans, the authentic Hungarians, the denizens of “real America.” When Brexit passed, Nigel Farage insisted that this was a “victory for real people,” leaving one to wonder what the other 48 percent of Britons were. Mannequins? As Trump once said, “The only important thing is the unification of the people—because the other people don’t mean anything.”

 

But not everything is merely lifestyle posing. Contra Brooks, not everything transgressive is digested and made harmlessly bourgeois by capitalism. Throughout history, the one surefire, undefeatable marker of real authenticity, true sincere rebellion, against the establishment, the system, the ruling edifice of hypocrisy and inauthenticity is violence, the “propaganda of the deed.” “It is to violence that Socialism owes those high ethical values by means of which it brings salvation to the modern world,” French political theorist Georges Sorel proclaimed. “From birth it is clear to him,” Frantz Fanon writes, “that this narrow world, strewn with prohibitions, can only be called in question by absolute violence.”

 

Cosplay is kayfabe until somebody gets killed.

 

Brooks is right that transgressiveness is a capitalist product. Transgressive art, transgressive literature, poetry, film, music, fashion, even transgressive education (see bell hooks’—she uses lowercase letters because that’s so authentic—Teaching to Transgress, available in hardback at Amazon for $31.76). Indeed, I doubt very many in the Transgression Industrial Complex are even aware that the word originally meant “disobedience to God’s law, sin.” Even fewer would care. Most would say, “That’s cool.”

 

The problem with transgressiveness for its own sake is like the problem with heroin: One needs an ever-higher dose just to get the same high. To be sure, most people can handle it, because most people don’t actually want to be real rebels, they want to wear rebelliousness as a fashion statement, to stand out at a meeting or when they drop their kids off at school. But just as some wrestling fans refuse to admit the fakery of the kayfabe, what some authenticity-addicts see in mere fashionable transgressiveness is hypocrisy, which they have been taught is their enemy. And when they hear the apologies for and celebrations of actual violence, whether by Luigi Mangione—who murdered a healthcare executive—or Hamas—which proudly murders and rapes on principle—they reach the logical-but-irrational conclusion that such people are fulfilling the demands of authenticity, they’re keeping it real, they’re denying the fake bourgeoise façade of normalcy, because they “know” who they are—and are willing to prove it with blood.

The Anti-Zionist Affliction

By Seth Mandel

Wednesday, May 13, 2026

 

Anti-Zionism is many things, including humorless and anhedonic. I often watch news coverage of anti-Israel activism and hear the voice of Carol Burnett’s mean old Miss Hannigan in Annie: “Do I hear happiness in here?”

 

There is almost nothing in the world quite as campy as the Eurovision song contest, but instead of getting into character and enjoying the shtick, Europeans are whining year-round about the participation of Israelis. This year, the contest even tried changing the rules to prevent Israel’s entrant, Noam Bettan, from matching the Jewish state’s past competitiveness.

 

Even that didn’t work as planned, since Bettan has now at least qualified for the finals. Four idiots got themselves tossed out of the audience for protesting Bettan’s existence on this earth yesterday during his performance. The Irish public broadcaster not only boycotted this year’s contest but is refusing to even air it on TV.

 

After all, if you allow people to watch Jews sing, who knows—it could lead to mixed dancing. Before you know it, impressionable children may be using offensive language, like “Israeli couscous.”

 

And so, no singing. No dancing. No watching, singing, or dancing. It’s like Footloose with keffiyehs.

 

What about art? If we can’t have music because the Jews have music too, can we look at pictures? Here I will refer you to the New York Times’ subheadline on an article about the Venice Biennale, the prestigious art expo: “The hottest exhibitions at the world’s major art exhibition were shuttered on Friday as part of a pro-Palestinian demonstration.”

 

Is that not the tagline of our times? More from the Times:

 

“When the final preview day opened at 10 a.m., dozens of visitors flocked to Austria’s pavilion, where Florentina Holzinger’s performance ‘Seaworld Venice’ which includes numerous naked performers, had drawn hourslong lines all week. They found the pavilion closed, with a sign outside saying that ‘some team members have decided to participate in the strike.’

 

“Some of the other buzziest exhibitions at this year’s event, including those by artists representing Belgium, Egypt, Japan, the Netherlands and South Korea, were also shut. Signs outside some of those pavilions read, ‘We stand with Palestine.’”

 

No dancing, no singing, no art, no immodest mer-people. All “for Palestine.” If only they would do something for the Palestinians instead of doing nothing “for Palestine.”

 

And what’s going on at the Israeli pavilion? “Armed police officers outside stopped anybody without tickets from entering. Late on Friday, several hundred pro-Palestinian protesters staging a march tried at one point to get to the Arsenale and briefly clashed with the police.”

 

Right. Extra security. Just as the Israeli artists at Eurovision need extra security. Athletic competitions as well. It turns out the “peace movement” has to be physically restrained from attacking random Jews.

 

The Biennale began inauspiciously. The jury for the prestigious awards given at the exhibition resigned en masse when told Israel would participate. The jury claimed they were also upset about Russia’s participation, but “for Palestine” doesn’t include Ukraine. Indeed, the jury tried to argue that they were against the participation of a contestant from any country “whose leaders are subject to arrest warrants for crimes against humanity,” as The Art Newspaper explained. In other words, they simply worked to find wording that would exclude Israel under ridiculous pretenses.

 

In solidarity with the jury, more than 70 artists announced they would not accept any awards at the Biennale. The artist strike that took place once the Biennale opened was organized by an anti-Israel group and made no attempt to pretend it had anything to do with ICC warrants or Vladimir Putin.

 

And so it goes.

 

If you’ve followed much of the arts and entertainment world since October of 2023, you will have noticed that absolutely nothing is more important to its associated industries than excluding Jews.

 

This should not be too surprising. Those who consider themselves anti-Zionists are admitting they have a problem. They define their lives and their work and their play around opposition to a certain national population. Anti-Zionism is by definition an obsession, an antisocial affliction, a psychological condition. As the contagion spreads, there will still be pockets of art and comedy and literature and other essential pillars of culture. But only in places where you’ll also find Jews, apparently.

The Students Are Lying

By Noah Rothman

Thursday, May 14, 2026

 

The Nazi swastika flew proudly over New York City’s West 4th Street this week. It was hoisted over New York University’s Greenwich Village campus on a banner that, at its center, also featured a Jewish Star of David with NYU’s emblematic torch in the middle. The flag’s white and blue color scheme left no doubt that it was designed to mimic Israel’s national banner — a ham-fisted visual metaphor intended to accuse the Jewish State and its supporters of mirroring the Third Reich’s genocidaires.

 

NYU’s spokespeople were, of course, appalled. So, too, were staffers and students who frequent the Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, over which the flag was raised. But where was the mass outpouring of aggressive fragility? What happened to the cascade of voices that can be counted on to tell anyone willing to listen that they felt unsafe? How is it that a campus environment so attuned to and supposedly fearful of the rise of fascism in America was unmoved by the Hitlerian semiotics just over their heads?

 

NYU’s students took this antisemitic incident in stride. But do you know what this college’s undergrads do find “deeply unsettling”? The scheduled selection of NYU professor and author Jonathan Haidt to address his own students, among others, at the university’s upcoming graduation ceremony.

 

In an open letter authored by NYU’s Executive Committee of the Student Government Assembly, students contended that commencement speakers should “serve as a source of collective inspiration.” In their estimation, figures like singer Taylor Swift, comedienne Molly Shannon, and Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor fit that bill. By contrast, Haidt’s selection “is not merely anticlimactic; it is a regression.”

 

Haidt has been “accused of making homophobic remarks,” the letter read, citing hearsay. He has internalized “misconceptions about transgender identity,” it added. And he has “promoted disturbing rhetoric around antiracism, social justice, and diversity, equity, and inclusion,” by which the authors mean that Haidt has challenged the conceptual frameworks undergirding each (in other words, what a professor of social psychology does for a living).

 

Worst of all, Haidt is an outspoken advocate for “device-free” learning environments, “an initiative that some students find reductive and oblivious to far more pressing matters than digital distraction,” the letter added. Clearly, Haidt was not the “safest option” given his “critiques of liberal ideology,” the missive continued.

 

Haidt’s worst offense lies in how he has supposedly made students feel. “Since the announcement on Thursday, April 30, many students have reported feelings of disappointment, disgust, unenthusiasm, defeat, and embarrassment,” the letter closed.

 

In its coverage of the open letter, the New York Times adopts a chiding tone. After all, the psychology professor is the author of a book that accuses the education system of “cocooning” a generation, protecting them from encounters with “ideas they might find distressing.” The “symbolism” of Haidt’s censure by the very creatures that he warned the higher education system was cultivating “is unmistakable.” The subtext of the report is clear: Don’t these students know that they’re playing right into Haidt’s hands?

 

But that is an instrumentalist argument that questions only the practical utility of this student-led crusade. More important is the fact that the Executive Committee’s open letter is a collection of lies.

 

The students at NYU do not feel unsafe in the professor’s presence. They do not care about “collective inspiration.” They do not believe Haidt is at war with higher education broadly, and they don’t think he’s contributing to the “deepened inequities” that they assume followed when DEI initiatives fell out of fashion. They want to intimidate him and his employers to the extent that he might be forced out of the public square.

 

That’s what the open letter was: an intimidation campaign. That’s what the mock Israeli flag adorned with swastikas was, too — a threat aimed at getting the school’s Zionists to shut their mouths. These are aggressive tactics, none of which register with the school’s allegedly fragile students. They have no problem with sharp elbows, as long as those who are throwing their weight around are on their side.

 

We don’t know which subjects these students studied at NYU. We do know what they have learned, though. They know how to use the rhetoric they were taught to manipulate their schools’ administrators and faculty. They have been indoctrinated in the language of the human resources department, and they are wielding it like a weapon.

The Politics of Unrespectability

By Nick Catoggio

Wednesday, May 13, 2026

 

Kamala Harris made a mistake by campaigning with Liz Cheney in 2024, or so a certain type of leftist will tell you.

 

A conservative with Republican royal lineage, Cheney was a strong corroborating witness for Democrats’ case that Donald Trump is a fascist who shouldn’t be trusted with power. Team Harris hoped her endorsement would create a “permission structure” for the Trump-leery center-right to cross the aisle on Election Day.

 

What they neglected to consider, our certain type of leftist would note, is how the Democratic base would feel about partnering with someone whose surname had become a byword for right-wing warmongering. Coalition-building is important, yes, but progressives were already suspicious of Harris on foreign policy due to the Biden administration’s support for Israel’s operations in Gaza. Linking arms with the doyenne of neoconservatism seemed to confirm that, if she won, it would be business as usual in Washington with respect to the Middle East.

 

Demoralization followed, then defeat. One Democratic strategist framed the Cheney problem starkly after the election: “People don’t want to be in a coalition with the devil.”

 

Which sounds clever—until you remember that the fascist on the ballot became the first Republican in 20 years to win the national popular vote in that election. Lots of Americans are quite willing to be in a coalition with the devil, it turns out, if the devil promises to reduce the cost of living and keep the country out of foreign wars. That deal is currently working out for them precisely the way all deals with the devil do.

 

It would be more correct to say that people don’t want to be in a coalition with certain devils. One of those people is Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

 

AOC was willing to join a coalition with Cheney against Trump, albeit with misgivings. “I think there’s plenty of people that aren’t happy about that,” she said in 2024 of Harris’ new conservative campaign surrogate, confessing that she didn’t love the arrangement herself. But strange bedfellows are “part of the nature of putting together a coalition,” she observed. If Cheney wanted to help Democrats get Harris elected, fine.

 

Fast-forward to last week, when Ocasio-Cortez was asked in an interview about partnering with Republicans on matters of common ground. “I care about results,” she allowed, endorsing the idea, but warned her audience against letting wolves into one’s tent for the sake of making that tent bigger. “I personally do not trust someone like Marjorie Taylor Greene, a proven bigot and antisemite, on the issue of what is good for Gazans and Israelis,” AOC went on to say. “I don’t think that it benefits our movement … to align the left with white nationalists.”

 

Some bedfellows are a little too strange to share a pillow with, it seems.

 

Many of the same progressives who rejected the devil’s bargain with Cheney have spent the past week grumbling at AOC for rejecting a devil’s bargain with Greene. No Republican politician has been more outspoken than MTG in condemning the Jewish state’s war in Gaza as a “genocide.” If Ocasio-Cortez was willing to hold her nose and make common cause with one distasteful right-wing figure to defeat Trump, those progressives reasoned, surely she should be willing to do so with another to move America’s Overton window toward opposing Israel.

 

“For all her professed radicalism, AOC is still beholden to a politics of respectability,” Sohrab Ahmari wrote, more in sorrow than in anger, of the congresswoman’s skepticism of Greene. (One would think Ahmari, of all people, would be cautious about making any new deals with devils right now, but no.) It’s hard to disagree: God knows, if there’s one thing American politics needs less of in year 11 of the Trump era, it’s respectability.

 

Why doesn’t Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, alleged populist, see that?

 

The Israel litmus test.

 

The disagreement between AOC and her progressive critics is only nominally about whether the left should partner with Republicans to contain Israel. Of course we should, I presume she’d say.

 

She’s worked before on subjects of mutual interest with the likes of Ted Cruz and defended cooperating with House Republican Tim Burchett in the same interview in which she denounced Greene. We should work across the aisle “where we trust intent,” she said of Burchett. But she doesn’t trust Greene’s intentions.

 

Who can blame her?

 

MTG has been harassing Ocasio-Cortez since before she was elected to Congress, leading a group of men to AOC’s locked congressional office in 2019 where, according to the Washington Post, they recorded themselves “taunt[ing] the congresswoman’s staff through a mail slot and defil[ing] her guest book, all while mocking Ocasio-Cortez.” When the video of that resurfaced in 2021, AOC called Greene “deeply unwell” and encouraged her to seek help for a “fixation [that] has lasted for several years now.”

 

In 2020, during her first run for Congress, MTG posted a photo of herself holding a gun next to an image of Ocasio-Cortez and fellow progressives Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib. “We need strong conservative Christians to go on the offense against these socialists who want to rip our country apart,” she wrote in the photo’s caption. The following year, long before she became a critic of Israel, she began referring to AOC’s far-left faction in the House as the “Jihad Squad.”

 

On one occasion shortly after she joined Congress, Greene caught up to Ocasio-Cortez as the latter was leaving the House chamber and began shouting at her about Black Lives Matter and the Green New Deal. “You don’t care about the American people,” Greene reportedly yelled. “Why do you support terrorists and Antifa?”

 

I don’t think AOC is against being in a coalition with the Republican devil against Israel. I think she’s opposed to being in a coalition with this particular devil, whom she has ample reason to distrust.

 

But that’s why progressives want her to do it. The reason the left has picked this fight with her is because it hopes to make opposition to Israel an ideological litmus test on par with, say, support for universal health care. So urgent and righteous is the cause of severing America’s relationship with the Jewish state, they mean to say, that there is never an excuse for declining an opportunity to advance it, even if doing so requires you to glad-hand a crazy person who may or may not wish you personal harm.

 

(It follows, I suppose, that the cause of preventing a second Trump presidency was not so urgent and righteous as to excuse glad-handing Liz Cheney.)

 

What more powerful statement can there be of how committed progressives are to that litmus test than taking sides with Marjorie Taylor Greene, for years the queen of MAGA kookery, against Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the avatar of supposedly ascendant young socialism?

 

Poke around on Twitter and you’ll even find a few alleging that MTG is better than AOC on Israel because Ocasio-Cortez once opposed an amendment offered by Greene to cut funding for the Iron Dome missile defense program. AOC has since reversed course and promised that she’ll oppose any new military aid to Jerusalem, but you don’t need to squint to see why an Israel skeptic like her might support money for Iron Dome. Every Hamas rocket that does damage to the Jewish state is cause for reprisal and war; if those rockets are shot down before impact, retaliation becomes optional rather than obligatory.

 

But hard feelings aren’t the only reason that Ocasio-Cortez doesn’t want to share a tent with Greene, I’m sure. Ahmari may not have learned the lesson of the past 10 years, but AOC seemingly has.

 

Learning from postliberalism.

 

The lesson is that you can’t partially normalize postliberalism. If Marjorie Taylor Greene is worth listening to on Israel, she’s worth listening to, period.

 

The Republican establishment believed it could partially normalize Trump in 2016. He’s worth listening to on immigration, conservatives conceded to the GOP base. Banning Muslims from entering the United States might be excessive, and we’re not crazy about his admiration for Russia. But building a border wall is worth thinking about.

 

If Trump was worth listening to because he had the right idea on immigration, he was worth listening to, period. And the right did listen. They listened when he said the 2020 election was rigged, that he was entitled to seek “retribution” against his political enemies, that his tariffs would create a golden age of prosperity for the United States, and that the Iran war was no big deal because it would be over in four to six weeks.

 

All sorts of destructive ideas went mainstream in America once Republicans normalized Trumpism. His current Cabinet includes people who think the problem with the military is that it’s too reluctant to commit war crimes and that the problem with public health is that it’s too enthusiastic about vaccines. When you move the Overton window sharply on one issue, you may find that you’ve inadvertently moved it on others.

 

Marjorie Taylor Greene has described herself in the past as a Christian nationalist. She supported Trump’s attempt to overturn the 2020 election and marked the fifth anniversary of January 6 this year by lamenting that “political protesters” had been held in a “D.C. Gulag.” Last week she reassured Twitter followers that ivermectin, the antiparasitic medicine embraced by right-wing cranks as a COVID cure-all, would work on hantavirus as well. Those who took “the good ole horse paste” and gained natural immunity from the last killer virus should follow the same protocol for the next one, Greene advised.

 

Telling opponents of Israel that her opinion about the Jewish state holds value inevitably invites them to consider that her opinion about all sorts of other things might hold value too. Progressives weren’t willing to take that risk with Liz Cheney’s neoconservatism but they are, it seems, willing to take it with MTG’s postliberalism—notwithstanding their entirely correct belief that postliberalism is hollowing out America in numerous ways. AOC seems not to be as risk-tolerant in this case as they are, and correctly so.

 

There’s a second lesson she may have gleaned from watching Republicans over the past decade, a corollary to how you can’t partially normalize postliberalism. Namely, right-wing postliberals very seldom have good intentions and eventually that fact will make itself plain.

 

It’s possible that Marjorie Taylor Greene’s concern for Gazans is earnest, an example of human compassion in its purest form. But it’s also quite possible that it’s driven by enemy-of-my-enemy political logic, reflecting the priorities of the “America First” faction to which she and figures like Tucker Carlson belong. Those priorities aren’t limited to questioning whether Israel wields too much influence over U.S. foreign policy, an increasingly mainstream view as the Iran war wears on. In Greene’s case, they include insinuations about larger conspiracies involving Jews and the Jewish state.

 

The most famous example is her “Jewish space lasers” theory from 2018, in which she speculated that a fire in California was caused by a space-based laser connected to the Rothschild family. (Last year she told Bill Maher, implausibly, that she “didn’t even know the Rothschilds were Jewish.”) She toned it down a little after joining Congress in 2021, limiting herself for a while to casual Holocaust analogies by comparing Joe Biden to Hitler and likening proof of vaccination to Jews being compelled to wear yellow stars.

 

But things picked up in 2023, when she opposed a House resolution condemning antisemitism because she thought the language might penalize Christians for believing that Jesus was “crucified by the Jews.” Last fall she sided with Carlson and Candace Owens during an intra-right debate by implying that the martyred Charlie Kirk was preparing to disown Israel before he was shot. A few months later, after her falling out with Trump over the Epstein files, she wrote, “It really makes you wonder what is in those files and who and what country is putting so much pressure on him?”

 

Last week she cried foul about the White House effort to oust her friend Thomas Massie from his House seat, complaining that “Trump and the 3 billionaires from Israel, NOT Kentucky, are supporting a hollow controlled puppet that can’t even speak his own words!!!” The week before that, she promoted Dan Bilzerian’s primary challenge to “Zionist First Randy Fine,” a Jewish Republican congressman from Florida. Among other things, Bilzerian believes that “most of the problems today are caused by Jewish supremacy,” that fewer than 6 million Jews died in the Holocaust, that former Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was a “hero,” and that John F. Kennedy was likely assassinated by Mossad.

 

It is not crazy for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to look at all of that, suspect that MTG’s views on Gaza are motivated by little more than the Lindberghian impulse to strengthen American (or, rather, white) nationalism by encouraging hostility to Jews, and say no thanks.

 

A question of motives.

 

You don’t need to believe that AOC’s own motives are entirely pure in doing so.

 

One way to understand her reluctance to join hands with Greene is as a matter of pure political calculation. Poll after poll shows opinion in the United States trending against Israel after years of war in Gaza and now months of war in Iran. The Democratic consensus that the Palestinians are the more sympathetic party in that conflict is becoming the national consensus. After decades of being treated as an outré position in establishment politics, opposition to the Jewish state has gone mainstream.

 

The last thing a person who’s pleased with that development should want is to discredit skepticism of Israel anew by promoting cranks who are destined to alienate persuadables. The “Jewish space lasers” lady who’s hoping to see Dan Bilzerian in Congress is not a net gain for normalizing the cause, even if she has a left-friendly view of Gaza.

 

Frankly, it’s not clear to me that Greene still commands a meaningful constituency on the right that the left should covet. That was a core progressive complaint against Harris’ alliance with Liz Cheney, ironically: How many Republicans realistically were still listening in 2024 to Cheney? She’d already been aggressively un-personed within the party by Trump such that any conservatives who still preferred her to him had likely already turned against the GOP, making her endorsement irrelevant.

 

The same is true for MTG, no? She was also excommunicated from the cult by the president, undermining her previous influence with average MAGA voters. And the sort of hardcore groypers who might share her take on Gaza have already ditched the GOP because of Trump’s warm relationship with Benjamin Netanyahu.

 

Welcoming her to the anti-Israel cause would be subtraction by addition, in short, deepening the left’s already considerable antisemitism problem while supplying it with few new votes to compensate. Good luck squaring that with “big tent” logic.

 

But if you want to be more charitable to Ocasio-Cortez, you can do that too. She does occasionally speak up against antisemitism; her objections to Greene and comparative tolerance for bigotry among left-wing fellow travelers may be due to an ideological blind spot, not pure partisan hypocrisy. Intentions probably explain why she grudgingly backed an alliance of convenience with Cheney but can’t stomach one with MTG, in fact. Everyone to the left of Ted Cruz understands that Cheney’s intentions in opposing Trump were noble. Greene’s intentions in opposing Israel are considerably deeper in doubt.

 

Ultimately, Ocasio-Cortez’s dispute with progressives in this matter is less an argument over coalition-building strategy than how radically “counter-hegemonic” (to borrow a term from Ahmari) left-wing politics should be. To a burn-it-all-down populist on either end of the proverbial horseshoe, MTG going rogue on Israel is a heartening rebellion against establishment conventional wisdom, the sort of thing America desperately needs more of. Draining the swamp will require bold, transgressive action by leaders who not only don’t care about respectability but actively disdain the concept. Which sounds … familiar.

 

The fact that their favorite progressive congresswoman doesn’t believe that as unconditionally as they do makes her a timid party hack at heart.

 

But to Ocasio-Cortez, I suspect, an effective “counter-hegemonic” strategy means avoiding subtraction by addition and the moral corruption that inevitably comes with welcoming in elements who don’t have the movement’s best interests at heart. The right failed to learn that second lesson and will never fully recover from it. Whether it might learn the first will depend on what happens in November and 2028.

Israel Sues NYT over Kristof Column That Alleged Widespread Rape of Palestinian Prisoners

By Kamden Mulder

Thursday, May 14, 2026

 

The Israeli government is suing the New York Times over columnist Nicholas Kristof’s thinly-sourced report accusing Israeli soldiers and prison guards of using rape and other forms of sexual violence against Palestinian prisoners as part of an “organized state policy.”

 

Kristof’s column, which goes so far as to accuse Israeli soldiers of using trained dogs to rape Palestinian prisoners, cites a number of obviously conflicted organizations and individuals whose accounts are not backed by documentation or supporting eyewitness accounts.

 

“Following the publication by Nicholas Kristof in The New York Times of one of the most hideous and distorted lies ever published against the State of Israel in the modern press, which also received the backing of the newspaper, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar have instructed the initiation of a defamation lawsuit against The New York Times,” Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement Thursday.

 

The column cites 14 individuals who claim to have been raped or otherwise sexually assaulted by Israeli settlers or members of the security forces, only a few of whom agreed to be named. Of the named sources, several have changed their accounts over time and at least one has a history of promoting Hamas terror. The column also relies heavily on claims made by human rights watchdogs such as Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, a group with close ties to Hamas and a history of gross and unsubstantiated claims against Israel.

 

The Times is standing by Kristof, saying in a Wednesday evening statement that his column is based “on-the-record accounts and cites several analyses.”

 

“The accounts of the 14 men and women he interviewed were corroborated with other witnesses, whenever possible, and with people the victims confided in — that includes family members and lawyers,” Charlie Stadtlander, a spokesperson for the Times, said in a statement. “Details were extensively fact-checked, with accounts further cross-referenced with news reporting, independent research from human rights groups, surveys and in one case, with U.N. testimony. Independent experts were consulted on the assertions in the piece and throughout reporting and fact-checking.”

 

Some of the baseless claims from Euro-Med include accusations Israel stole organs from the bodies of dead Palestinians, that Israeli soldiers executed patients at al-Shifa Hospital, and, as noted in Kristof’s article, that Israel trains dogs to rape its prisoners.

 

Canine behavior expert Michael S. Gould previously told National Review the idea that dogs could be trained to rape people is “absurd,” explaining dogs do not have the instincts nor the trainability to commit such an act.

 

Throughout the scandal, the Times has vigorously defended Kristof and denied speculation that the paper’s masthead is considering retracting the column, saying “there is no truth to this at all.”

 

Kristof has similarly defended his reporting, posting on X, “To those who say that canine rape is impossible, despite the many Palestinians who have described it, I’d note that at least three different medical journal articles discuss rectal injuries in humans from anal penetration by dogs. Sigh.”

 

Israel, following the publication of Kristof’s report, noted the Israeli people themselves were victims of horrific sexual crimes.

 

“Israel – whose citizens were the victims of the most horrific sexual crimes committed by Hamas on October 7, and whose hostages were later subjected to further sexual abuse – is portrayed as the guilty party,” the statement reads.

 

Israel released its own report the day after Kristof’s article was published, detailing how Hamas raped and sexually assaulted its victims during and after October 7.