Wednesday, April 29, 2026

Hasan Piker and the Limits of the Big Tent

By Jeremiah Johnson

Wednesday, April 29, 2026

 

For the past few months, Democrats have been engaged in a strange and increasingly heated debate: Should the party be friendly with socialist livestreamer Hasan Piker?

 

Over the past few years, political livestreaming has grown rapidly in popularity, contributing to the ascent of figures like Piker, one of the largest political influencers across social media.

 

He’s best known for near-daily live broadcasts and viral clips in which he expounds on the news of the day from a leftist point of view, while frequently endorsing controversial views on political violence and dictatorships.

 

But Piker is becoming increasingly prominent in offline left-wing circles, too. He has campaigned alongside Democratic Senate candidates, been a guest on some of the largest podcasts in America, and appeared on CNN and NBC News. He’s received the tacit blessings of Democratic tastemakers like Ezra Klein and Jon Favreau. This is a miscalculation. Embracing Piker is a step toward a Democratic mirror of the GOP’s extremism problem.

 

It bothers me that Democrats need to spend time discussing this. Donald Trump and his merry band of MAGA minions are actively lighting the country on fire. Engaging in intraparty fights right now feels indulgent at best and needlessly destructive at worst. But the discourse around Piker refuses to go away. He continues to grow in prominence, continues to be welcomed into mainstream Democratic media spaces, and continues to be treated as a valuable voice for reaching younger voters.

 

Democrats trying to normalize Piker are making a mistake. He is not just a cool, edgy guy who wants universal health care. Nor is he disliked simply because he speaks up for Palestinians, as his supporters would claim. The core problem with Hasan Piker is that he is, at the most basic level, an ideological authoritarian. He promotes violence and repression whenever that violence and repression have a socialist lean.

 

***

 

Perhaps the most concerning part of Piker’s growing popularity is his open embrace of authoritarian governments.

 

During a two-week trip to China last year, Piker offered his thoughts on the country’s economic and political system in a series of livestreams. What did he have to say? Nothing but good things. He fell over himself to applaud the country’s technological development and urbanism to his millions of followers.

 

Given that Piker is a full-time political commentator, you might assume he’d have something to say about China’s lack of basic rights, the Communist Party’s repression of Tibet, the Uyghur genocide, the anti-democratic crackdown on Hong Kong, or Beijing’s threats to Taiwan. Yet Piker either made excuses for these abuses or outright ignored them. He went on Chinese state television to praise the country and rail against the “rumors” and “misunderstandings” about China peddled in the West.

 

When confronted with China’s human rights abuses, Piker frequently defends China’s government. When asked about the discrimination against LGBT people—China does not allow gay marriage, bans gay dating apps, and severely represses effeminate male celebrities—Piker first refused to acknowledge the problem before actively defending the ban on gay dating apps on the specious grounds that the ban was about ‘privacy’. He continued to champion the country even after his team was harassed by Chinese secret police for filming in Tiananmen Square. Setting aside that Piker’s first instinct was to show the secret police a meme of Mao Zedong on his phone (which led to the police confiscating his phone), hours later he was already arguing that America is worse.

 

We should be clear about what the Chinese Communist Party is. China is a country where mobile execution vans exist. The CCP runs a police state where you can be arrested for wrongthink as simple as holding up blank pieces of paper. The party is more than happy to literally weld people shut inside their homes, brutalize student political organizers, and jail or kill critics. It is still actively using Uyghur slave labor on a massive scale in Xinjiang. Beijing has also crushed other ethnic minorities and broken any semblance of political freedom in Hong Kong. The only reason it has refrained from invading and subjugating Taiwan is the Western world’s protection. China’s government is a nightmarish, totalitarian dictatorship.

 

And yet Piker always seems to have its back. He has downplayed the genocide in Xinjiang, recasting the concentration camps there as “reeducation” centers and claiming they’re all closed now (they are not). He has described Chinese colonialism in Tibet as a good thing, using arguments reminiscent of “civilize the savages” justifications for Western imperialism. He has deemed the idea of a politically free Hong Kong “ridiculous.”

 

Piker ends up parroting the CCP because he genuinely admires authoritarian governments. When asked which country does socialism in a way he approves of, he doesn’t point to social democracies like Sweden or Norway. He says that China is the closest to his vision of socialism. He recently said that he would “never make fun of Mao Zedong, one of the great leaders of the world.”

 

And his support for authoritarian systems isn’t limited to China. After a trip to Cuba last month, he called the Cuban government the “most moral” country in the world. Cuba, like China, is a country that jails and kills political dissidents for having the wrong opinions. Piker wishes the Soviet Union had won the Cold War, says he has “no issues” with Hezbollah, considers Hamas “a thousand times better” than Israel, and uses his platform to promote Houthi terrorists. He has said that the U.S. deserved 9/11, defended Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and even boosted North Korean propaganda.

 

Piker’s extremist worldview often takes the form of calls for political violence here in the U.S. He’s advocated for people to kill landlords, joked about the rape of wealthy women, and pushed for violence against U.S. lawmakers.

 

It’s important to document these comments as extensively as possible to emphasize the core point: Hasan Piker does not care about liberal democracy. He is an authoritarian. He would happily take away your human rights, as long as the boot stamping on your face was made in a socialist factory.

 

Recent discourse around Piker has centered on questions of antisemitism, but his support for openly anti-Jewish terrorist groups is just one component of his broader embrace of extremism. The pattern with these controversies—and the core problem with Piker’s politics—is that he propagandizes for murderous totalitarian regimes.

 

***

 

In his recent column on Piker, New York Times opinion columnist Ezra Klein argued that Americans should be more willing to talk to people with whom we disagree politically. To Klein’s credit, he is consistent on this point. The left got very angry with him for making a similar point about Charlie Kirk, and now the right and center are angry with him because he’s advocating for keeping Piker inside the Democratic tent.

 

The problem with Klein’s argument is that other Democrats aren’t inviting Piker to their events and on their shows in order to have tough debates about his controversial stances. Bill Buckley versus Noam Chomsky, this is not. Virtually every podcast in today’s media environment is a hugfest, a conversation where the host spends 99 percent of the time sympathetically nodding along with the guest’s points. Nobody profiling Piker is grilling him on why he defends Chinese colonialism. They’re writing puff pieces and lusting over how physically attractive he is.

 

The Democratic Party needs a big tent. Donald Trump is uniquely dangerous, and it’s irresponsible to turn away allies, even if those allies are problematic in some ways. In theory, if Piker showed signs of moderating and wanted to help Democrats defeat Trump, it would behoove moderates to swallow their complaints and accept him in the tent. The issue is that Piker has no interest in changing or in helping Democrats. The only Democrats he promotes are far-left socialists running in primaries against moderates. He’s already talking about how he might not vote for Democrats in 2028. He repeatedly talks about how Democrats are just as bad as Republicans and how Kamala Harris would be doing the exact same things as Donald Trump. Even after attending the 2024 Democratic National Convention, he did not endorse Kamala Harris for president.

 

Democrats shouldn’t be afraid to talk with people who disagree with them, whether on the right or the left. But there’s a difference between having a conversation and letting the extremists choose the direction of the party. Hasan Piker is an authoritarian socialist who openly disdains liberal democracy. His views should not be glossed over, he should not be coddled in friendly interviews, and he should not be considered a leader in the Democratic Party.

The Evolution of Trump’s Corruption

By David A. Graham

Tuesday, April 28, 2026

 

Seven years ago, during a marginally more innocent time, the Trump administration announced plans to hold the 2020 G7 summit at Donald Trump’s resort in Doral, Florida. The backlash was fierce, and somehow the then–Acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney’s dismissive attitude—“Get over it”—failed to quell concerns, including among Republicans. Two days later, Trump gave up and moved the event to Camp David. (In the end, it was canceled because of COVID.)

 

Things are different in Trump’s second term. Later this year, the United States will host the G20 summit—an offshoot of the G7 that includes approximately 20 leaders of the world’s largest economies—and the president has selected Trump National Doral as the location. A few days ago, The Washington Post reported that Trump even intends to invite Russian President Vladimir Putin, a global pariah, to the meeting. But the Doral G20 has gotten nowhere near the same amount of attention, and much less backlash.

 

The way the two summits have been received feels like a case study in the differences between the first and second Trump presidencies. In 2019, neither the press nor the public was yet so fatigued by news and numb to outrage, as New York magazine observed this week, nor were they yet accustomed to a president using his position to openly enrich himself. (The Atlantic’s headline about the G7 announcement was “Trump’s Most Shameless Act of Profiteering.” How young we were!) The Republican Party also had more leaders who were willing to criticize the president, either publicly or privately. Finally, although Trump has never seemed especially vulnerable to shame, the president and his aides could still be swayed by sufficient embarrassment back then. The phrase shameless corruption gets used a lot, but Trump’s second term embodies it.

 

Although the first Trump administration created a fire hose of news, the country has been going at this pace now for 10 years, and the public is getting tired. Trump’s announcement of the location for the G20 back in early September, was overshadowed by larger stories, particularly the Epstein files; days later, Charlie Kirk was assassinated, briefly blotting out all other coverage. The G20 summit may also seem less relevant than other global events, especially given that Trump is currently shaking or breaking the world order through different means. (He has also already disinvited South Africa from the summit for largely imagined offenses against Afrikaners.)

 

Perhaps most important, the idea of Trump grubbing a few dollars out of hosting a meeting at one of his properties seems positively quaint today. During the first Trump term, I covered a succession of egregious choices: Trump refusing to financially disentangle himself from his companies; diverting Mike Pence to his Irish resort for a stopover; charging the Secret Service exorbitant rates to stay at Mar-a-Lago while protecting him; and making his hotel in Washington, D.C., a physical affront to the Constitution’s emoluments clause.

 

To say that these actions now look like nickel-and-diming is not to forgive them but to acknowledge the much larger scale on which Trump and his family are working now. The president’s government is signing off on big payouts to former aides, including Michael Flynn ($1.25 million for a case in which Flynn pleaded guilty) and Carter Page (another $1.25 million, even though courts twice dismissed his lawsuit). The government has not yet made deals with people convicted for their involvement in the January 6, 2021, riot, but their lawyers are hopeful. Trump has handed out clemency to a slew of people who have donated money to his campaign or his other efforts, which looks a great deal like selling pardons.

 

Trump’s family business, the Trump Organization, has signed lucrative deals in cities around the world where his administration is also conducting foreign policy. His son-in-law Jared Kushner, too, is making business deals in some of the same countries with which he is negotiating on behalf of the president, even though he has no government role. Trump’s media company has jumped into cryptocurrency and prediction markets, a clear conflict of interest given the federal government’s role in setting crypto policy. The New York Times recently reported on how a Syrian billionaire had sought to get sanctions removed on his country with a charm offensive that included an offer to open a Trump-branded golf course. He was egged on by a Republican member of Congress. (The sanctions have been removed, but the Trump Organization says that no deal to build a golf course is in the offing.)

 

Last summer, David Kirkpatrick of The New Yorker attempted to quantify how much Trump and his immediate family had made off the presidency and came up with a rough figure of $3.4 billion. By late January, Kirkpatrick estimated that the total was up to $4 billion. And it will continue to grow. Trump is even suing his own government, hoping to get the Justice Department—led for now by his former personal attorney—to pay him $230 million for investigating him, and the IRS to pay him $10 billion for mishandling his tax information.

 

I worry that summarizing so many examples so briefly only contributes to the same fatigue that has enabled them. If one death is a tragedy and 1 million deaths are a statistic, perhaps it is also true that charging the Secret Service thousands of dollars on hotel rooms is corruption, but raking in billions is simply a new paradigm. Yet these examples pop up regularly. The Trump administration has realized that its profiteering no longer produces the same public fury it once did, that nearly all Republican officeholders will stay quiet, and that it can grit out or ignore any residual shame. The result is on a dollar basis, and perhaps on any basis, the most corrupt administration in American history.

Three Years After October 7, Anti-Semitic Violence Is Still Rising

By Seth Mandel

Tuesday, April 28, 2026

 

Underlying our public debate about anti-Semitism is the belief that we’re dealing with a kind of punctuated equilibrium: periods of mostly stable levels of anti-Semitism followed by occasional bursts that give us a new normal.

 

But what if that’s wrong? What if there aren’t periods of stability anymore?

 

Post-October 7 anti-Semitism seemed primed to follow the usual pattern, in which certain metrics of anti-Semitism will improve after the surge and others will level off at the crest of the surge. So all the metrics are considered in light of the assumption that the surge will fade as the Hamas attacks get further in the rearview mirror.

 

But the surge is acting funny.

 

When Tel Aviv University released its annual report on worldwide anti-Semitism for the year 2025, the main headline was that more Jews had been killed in anti-Semitic incidents (20) than in any year in over three decades. It was no consolation to say that this was because there was a massacre in Australia that pushed the numbers so high and that such massacres are blessedly rare—after all, attempted anti-Jewish massacres continue to take place. If the recent attack on a Reform shul in Michigan had succeeded, God forbid, 2026 would far surpass 2025 on this metric just a few months into the year. To be Jewish in some parts of the world now is to feel more like a target than ever.

 

Delving into the report far beyond that headline statistic reveals why that feeling is so widely shared: Three years after October 7, violent anti-Semitism is still rising across parts of the West.

 

In France, the report notes, there were 300 fewer overall anti-Semitic incidents. The total number for 2025 was still nearly 1,000 more than in 2022, before the Hamas attacks. But there’s even worse news: “The number of incidents involving physical violence reached 126 in 2025, up from 106 in 2024, 85 in 2023, and 43 in 2022.”

 

The category of “total incidents” isn’t indicative, therefore, of the real trend of anti-Semitism in France. Examples from the report: “the March 2025 assault of Chief Rabbi Arié Engelberg of Orléans while he was walking home from synagogue with his young son. The attacker reportedly confirmed that Engelberg was Jewish and then beat and insulted him. Later that spring, Rabbi Elie Lemmel was attacked twice within one week: first punched in the stomach in Deauville, and then struck in the head with a chair at a café in Neuilly-sur-Seine.”

 

The report notes that incidents of vandalism are also down slightly. But the increase in violent incidents was greater than the decrease in vandalism, suggesting that Jew-haters in France are changing tactics and getting more dangerous. Again, this is something the overall number of incidents won’t tell you.

 

Regarding Canada, the report—which relies on country-specific sources—has only the number of overall incidents. And that one’s not good: About 600 more in 2025 than the year before; 2024 also exceeded 2023. Again, wrong direction. And while we don’t have the breakdown of physical violence to other types of incidents, we do know the violence remains a key concern: “The year’s most serious physical assaults on Jews in Canada included the August 27 stabbing of a Jewish woman in her seventies while she was shopping in the kosher section of an Ottawa grocery. On August 8, a 32-year-old Hasidic Jewish father was beaten in a park in Montreal in front of his children in an assault partly captured on video and widely circulated online.”

 

The news isn’t great in the United Kingdom either. The number of overall anti-Semitic incidents in the UK in 2025 was higher than in 2024 (though lower than in 2023). The Community Security Trust keeps a category of “extreme violence,” and there were four such incidents in 2025—double the number of the year before. The report highlights the terrorist attack on a Manchester synagogue on Yom Kippur in which two were killed, and states for posterity: “It was the first fatal antisemitic attack recorded by the CST since it began its surveys in 1984.”

 

In Australia, as one might expect from reading recent headlines, anti-Semitic incidents increased in 2025 over 2024. As for violence, 15 were murdered in the Bondi Beach massacre in December.

 

Belgium’s anti-Semitism-monitoring organization recorded a massive increase in overall anti-Jewish incidents, from 129 in 2024 to 232 in 2025. Physical assaults also increased, as did vandalism. Across the board, another European country gone off the rails, it would seem.

 

In 2025, Italy saw a rise in overall anti-Semitic events and assaults, according to the report.

 

In Spain, too, anti-Semitic incidents increased—an unsurprising result considering the amount of time and effort the government of Pedro Sanchez spends demonizing the Jewish state.

 

In Norway, overall incidents went down, but acts of violence increased from one to four.

 

The only somewhat bright spot—and that is really stretching the description—in this group was Germany, which saw fewer overall incidents and fewer acts of anti-Semitic violence. It should come as no surprise that the Western country in which the numbers are at least moving in the right direction is also the only place in Europe that has made an effort to combat anti-Zionism and demonization of Israel at the national level.

 

We can stop pretending that the constant vilification of the world’s only Jewish state has no clear and dangerous consequences for the Jews of the world. Moreover, we don’t really know if the surge will taper off any time soon. Anti-Semitism in the West continues to defy predictions in the worst way possible.

If You’re Going to Commit a Terrible Crime, Be Handsome First

By Jim Geraghty

Tuesday, April 28, 2026

 

On December 4, 2024, Luigi Mangione shot and killed Brian Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealthcare.

 

Without resorting to an internet search, do you know what Mangione looks like? I suspect you do. You probably know what Mangione looks like from his merchandise store, or perhaps his prayer candles, or perhaps the time a fashion company “accidentally” used Mangione’s image to model a shirt. Or perhaps you caught “Luigi: The Musical.” Or perhaps you heard about the lookalike contests at the University of Florida or the University of North Texas or in New York City.

 

Mangione inspired, as Wired magazine described it, “a new form of fandom.”

 

There were two copycat attacks in the immediate aftermath of Mangione’s attack. One was in Raleigh, North Carolina:

 

On Dec. 6, 2024, Advance Auto Parts contacted the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) about threatening messages sent through the company’s website demanding it change the “moron who administrates your app and webpage” and provided a deadline of December 25.

 

According to court documents, if the company didn’t do this, the customer wrote: “I live in Raleigh and am an expert sniper. . . . I vow that I will hunt down your entire executive board and put bullets in their FAMILIES. . . . There will be no stopping me from punishing your executives by murdering their families for refusing to improve the accuracy of your website search function.”

 

Edward Scott Huffman, 46, was charged with one count of transmitting a threat in interstate commerce.

 

Once again: Without resorting to an internet search, do you know what Huffman looks like? I suspect you do not.

 

The second copycat threat occurred about a week later, in Lakeland, Fla.:

 

On December 13, Briana Boston had reportedly placed a call to BlueCross BlueShield regarding recent medical insurance claims she was denied. The entire phone call was recorded, according to the affidavit.

 

Near the end of the call, investigators said Boston could be heard stating, “Delay, deny, depose. You people are next.” Boston was charged with threats to conduct a mass shooting or an act of terrorism.

 

Once more: Without resorting to an internet search, do you know what Boston looks like? I suspect you do not.

 

The following month, a young man outraged by then-Treasury Secretary nominee Scott Bessent’s policy positions traveled to Capitol Hill with Molotov cocktails and a knife; thankfully, he changed his mind before attempting an attack:

 

Ryan English, 24, pleaded guilty to weapons and explosives-related charges after walking to the U.S. Capitol Building on Jan. 27, 2025, the day of Bessent’s confirmation hearing. He told police he initially drove down from Massachusetts in a plot to burn down a D.C.-based think tank, which was not referenced in the documents, but said it fell through.

 

English, who was found with a knife, two 50 ml bottles converted to Molotov cocktails, and a lighter on him during the arrest, told USCP officers that he walked onto Capitol Hill after hearing statements by Bessent on the cost of living and minimum wage. He said he ultimately did not want to hurt anyone and turned himself in after coming to that realization.

 

Without resorting to the internet, do you know what Ryan English looks like? Again, I suspect you do not.

 

On the night of April 13, 2025, Cody Balmer scaled an iron security fence in the middle of the night, eluded police, and used beer bottles filled with gasoline to ignite the occupied Pennsylvania governor’s mansion, where Josh Shapiro and his family were sleeping. In October, Balmer pled guilty to attempted murder and a variety of other charges and was sentenced to 25 to 50 years in prison. Do you know what Balmer looks like, without the internet? Probably not.

 

On September 10, 2025, Tyler Robinson murdered Charlie Kirk. Do you recall what Tyler Robinson looks like? This is the only other individual on this list whose appearance and name I suspect many readers might recall. (This is partially because professional lunatic Candace Owens insists that Robinson didn’t do it.) I notice that Tyler Robinson also has merchandise.

 

Then there were the December 2025 arrests relating to the “Operation Midnight Sun” bombing plot in Los Angeles:

 

According to an affidavit filed with the complaint, Audrey Carroll is a member of the Turtle Island Liberation Front (TILF), a group that, according to its social media page, is dedicated to “liberation through decolonization and tribal sovereignty” and for the working class to rise up and fight back against capitalism.

 

In late November 2025, Carroll provided to co-conspirators an eight-page handwritten document titled, “Operation Midnight Sun,” which described a bombing plot. The plan called for backpacks with bombs to be simultaneously detonated at five or more locations targeting two U.S. companies at midnight this New Year’s Eve in the greater Los Angeles metropolitan area.

 

Can you picture any of the four individuals arrested in this plot? Can you picture their fifth associate, arrested for planning a terrorist attack in New Orleans and threatening Immigrations and Customs Enforcement officers? My guess is no, unless you live near those locations and saw local news coverage. My guess is that you don’t know their names, either. (I’m not saying you should know their names; I’m just pointing out why you probably don’t.)

 

Earlier this month, a man went viral on social media for recording himself burning down his place of employment in objection to what he deemed low wages:

 

Early in the morning on April 7, Chamel Abdulkarim filmed himself setting fire to multiple pallets of paper goods inside of a large distribution center in Ontario. As he lit the fires, he stated, “If you’re not going to pay us enough to [expletive] live or afford to live, at least pay us enough not to do this [expletive].”

 

The fires Abdulkarim set quickly consumed the building, resulting in its destruction and causing approximately $500 million in damage.

 

Abdulkarim posted videos of himself on social media setting the fires. He further made statements to others on the telephone and via text messages related to his motive for setting the building on fire, including the following: “I just cost these [expletive] billions,” “1% is a [expletive] joke,” and “All you had to do was pay us enough to live. Pay us more of the value WE bring. Not corporate. Didn’t see the shareholders picking up a shift.”

 

Do you know what Chamel Abdulkarim looks like? Unless you watched his video, probably not.

 

One last example, from earlier this month:

 

Authorities allege 20-year-old Daniel Moreno-Gama threw the incendiary device about 4 a.m. Friday, setting an exterior gate at [OpenAI CEO Sam] Altman’s home alight before fleeing on foot, police said. Less than an hour later, Moreno-Gama allegedly went to OpenAI’s headquarters about 3 miles away and threatened to burn down the building.

 

Moreno-Gama faces charges including two counts of attempted murder and attempted arson in California state court, San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins. He tried to kill both Altman and a security guard at Altman’s residence, she alleged.

 

Do you know what Daniel Moreno-Gama looks like? I suspect you do not.

 

And I also suspect you’re starting to see the pattern here. Luigi Mangione is extremely well known and has inspired a twisted fan base; most other perpetrators and would-be perpetrators of left-wing or anti-corporate violence remain obscure.

 

Yesterday, Josh Barro predicted that the shooter at the White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner, Cole Allen, “won’t replicate the lackluster cult of Luigi Mangione because he’s not good-looking. People fail to appreciate how shallow the Luigi phenomenon is.”

 

Yes, murderers get more attention than attempted murderers. But I can illustrate the same point with Islamist terrorists, too.

 

Do you know what Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev looks like? My guess is when you hear that name, you picture the cover of Rolling Stone.

 

What does his older brother look like? What was his older brother’s name?*

 

What did the perpetrators of the San Bernardino terrorist attack look like?

 

I’ll bet you cannot name, or picture, the Islamist who stabbed Salman Rushdie in 2022. Nor the al-Qaeda operative who killed three U.S. service members and wounded eight other Americans at Naval Air Station Pensacola in Florida. Nor the guy who swore allegiance to ISIS and drove a truck down a West Side bike path that killed eight people in 2017.

 

My guess is no face comes to mind, because no pop culture magazine put those guys on the cover, looking like Jim Morrison.

 

None of these other aspiring assassins and terrorists inspired a crowd of devoted “Luigi girls” or the “Cougars for Luigi Mangione.”

 

It’s easy to conclude that modern American culture has a soft spot for left-wing terrorists and assassins, and that’s true. Many corners of our culture indisputably offer a more sympathetic and romanticized perspective on left-wing violence than right-wing violence; you’re never going to see Eric Rudolph on the cover of Rolling Stone, and you’re never going to see a major Oscar contender with right-wing American revolutionaries as the heroes.

 

But what the list above illustrates is that modern American culture has a particular soft spot for young and handsome left-wing terrorists and assassins. I’m not the most qualified judge of male attractiveness, but I think Barro is right. If the White House Correspondents’ Dinner attacker wanted to inspire a fan club, he needed a picture of himself with abs to go viral in the aftermath.

 

When writing in the aftermath of Kirk’s assassination, I wrote in a bitter aside, “Today’s word of the day is ‘hybristophilia.’”

 

It is a real phenomenon, and it does explain why some young women of varying mental stability find themselves intensely attracted to convicted murderers, serial killers, and terrorists. There is an argument in evolutionary psychology that women are attracted to men who are bigger, stronger, more aggressive, and more violent, or at least more capable of violence. The reasoning is allegedly that a woman sees a violent man and concludes he will protect her and her offspring, and her offspring will be strong and capable of defending themselves. (Of course, if a woman picks the wrong violent man, he can easily become a serious threat to her.)

 

Well, men don’t get much more violent than murderers, serial killers, and terrorists!

 

There are those who are uncomfortable with the topic of hybristophilia because it makes (at least some) women look like irrational hormone-driven fools, so smitten with “bad boys” that they’ll overlook more red flags than a Chinese army parade.

 

Still, let’s not pretend that men are utterly immune to the phenomenon of judging women based upon their appearance, either.

 

If New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez looked like Quasimodo, would she be in the discussion as a potential Democratic presidential nominee in 2028? I highly doubt it. Don’t tell me it’s because of AOC’s bold stances; Representative Delia Ramirez of Illinois is six years older, also a young Latina, and her voting record in Congress is barely distinguishable from AOC’s. But you don’t hear even the faintest murmur of Ramirez running for president.

 

“Pretty privilege” exists — even for left-wing terrorists and assassins.

 

*His older brother’s name was Tamerlan.

 

ADDENDUM: Over in that other Washington publication, a column about why the White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner really shouldn’t move to the White House ballroom, once the ballroom is completed, presumably in 2028. (This is entirely separate from the questions of whether you think they should build a new White House ballroom, or what you think of the White House Correspondents’ Dinner.) The first reason is size; Trump said the ballroom will have a maximum capacity of 999, and the WHCD regularly has 2,600 attendees.

 

But the second reason is that you should not have an event celebrating the First Amendment and the press’s independence from the government held on government property. “The president can always be a welcome guest at an event celebrating an independent press, but he should not be the de facto host.”

California’s Wealth Tax: Let’s Go Serfin’

By Andrew Stuttaford

Tuesday, April 28, 2026

 

In the most recent Capital Letter, I wrote about Elizabeth Warren’s proposed Ultra-Millionaire Tax Act, a wealth tax aimed with various degrees of viciousness at those worth more than $50 million, which I saw as a neofeudalist move:

 

Under the “classic” feudalism introduced in England by the Normans after their hostile takeover in 1066, ownership of land and anything built upon it ultimately belonged to the crown. Movable property was a different matter. What was yours was essentially yours, if subject to levies at awkward moments. That probably means that Senator Elizabeth Warren thinks of William the Conqueror as having been a soft touch. Should her Ultra-Millionaire Tax Act pass (and be found to be constitutional), everything, however contingently, will become property of the state. . . .

 

I noted that “the progressive clamor for wealth taxes is growing louder and is reflected at both the state and federal levels as well as internationally.”

 

And so, right on schedule, California progressives have reportedly gotten the signatures they need for a vote on a “one-off” wealth tax on the assets of Californians worth more than $1 billion, a process that would include ascribing a valuation on voting interests in a company that exceeds a billionaire’s equity stake, a provision so stupidly destructive that it can only be understood by seeing wealth taxes for what they are: a weapon deployed by a progressive elite out to knock out potential competition.

 

As I argued:

 

The spite and the jealousy displayed by wealth tax activists toward the “rich” is no less genuine for being strategically useful. They, one part of the elite (or would-be elite), see what another part has, and they crave it for themselves. They are enraged at the thought that they have been left behind by people they see as money-grubbing moral inferiors. Their egalitarianism is a tool to create a system in which they and their acolytes take the spoils.

 

Meanwhile California’s billionaires are taking note.

 

The Wall Street Journal:

 

Billionaires are already leaving the state. California Tax Foundation visiting fellow Jared Walczak estimates in a new paper that “reported departures already total $777 billion,” and more “‘quiet departures’” that do not draw media coverage” are likely this year since “there are solid legal reasons to believe that the initiative’s residency date and approach could be challenged successfully in court.”

 

By his estimate, the wealth tax exodus could total $1.23 trillion and reduce annual state tax revenue by $3.53 billion to $4.49 billion, mainly from lower income-tax collections. He calculates that “the net present value of these ongoing losses outstrips the one-time revenue projected by the initiative’s proponents effects.” That means the tax will over time cost the state more revenue than it raises because of out-migration and slower economic growth.

 

Read on:

 

In addition, [Walczak] warns, “eroding existing tax bases could amplify the perceived ‘need’ for ongoing wealth taxation.” If voters approve the tax, expect progressives to push soon to extend it or reduce the wealth threshold at which it hits. That’s the history of income tax hikes. The referendum also lets the Legislature and Governor amend the tax, so Democrats won’t even need voter approval. [Emphasis added.]

 

Warren’s proposed tax is supposed to raise $6.2 trillion over a decade. The money is aimed not at debt reduction, but at funding new spending programs. But what if, as quite a few believe, it falls short of its revenue targets? If revenues disappoint, will spending be cut or will taxes be increased?

 

I added that that was a rhetorical question.

Knives Out

By Nick Catoggio

Tuesday, April 28, 2026

 

All you need to know about the secretary of defense is that in less than a month, with the United States at war with the most dangerous Islamist regime on earth, he’s driven not one but two news cycles involving Kid Rock.

 

The first came late last month when two Apache helicopters made an unauthorized fly-by of the Trump-loving singer’s Tennessee home. The Army quickly opened a disciplinary review, and Pete Hegseth just as quickly closed it. “No punishment. No investigation. Carry on, patriots,” he crowed. Donald Trump’s military operates the same way the rest of his administration does, it turns out: Rule-breaking is fine as long as some MAGA crony benefits.

 

Hegseth doubled down Monday. As the standoff in the Strait of Hormuz dragged on, compounding an oil crisis that will soon get meaningfully worse, news spread that Kid Rock had arrived at Fort Belvoir in Virginia. Why? To fly around in Apaches with Hegseth, of course. “Apaches typically have two pilots,” DropSite NewsRyan Grim explained in his report on the joy ride, “but they went up with one so the boys could each ride shotgun.”

 

Those helicopters aren’t normally stationed at Fort Belvoir, Grim added. Evidently the Army moved air assets around during a war so that the defense secretary could give a C-list right-wing celebrity a thrill.

 

Still, turning the U.S. military into a personal Make-a-Wish Foundation for Robert “Kid Rock” Ritchie is not why Pete Hegseth will eventually lose his job. From the West Wing to the Capitol to the Army itself, lots of people inside Trump’s government have much better reasons to want him gone.

 

And they do want him gone, it seems. The knives are out.

 

Vance.

 

The vice president and his camp have two incentives to want to get rid of the defense secretary.

 

One is political, as J.D. Vance is desperate for ways to atone to “America First-ers” who are disappointed in him for failing to prevent war with Iran. Pitting himself against Hegseth, the face of the conflict and the most smugly bellicose member of the Cabinet, is a small way to do that.

 

The other incentive is less obvious. Hegseth has it in for Army Secretary Dan Driscoll, who happens to be an old law-school buddy of Vance’s. That friendship probably explains why Driscoll has survived numerous purges inside the Pentagon over the last 15 months, the most recent of which saw Army chief of staff (and close Driscoll ally) Gen. Randy George sent packing. Vance may have prevailed upon Trump to stick with Driscoll over Hegseth’s objections—so far.

 

But probably not forever. The president fired Navy Secretary John Phelan at Hegseth’s urging last week, remember. If Trump is headed toward having to choose between his secretary of defense and his secretary of the Army, it’s in the VP’s interest to start pushing now for him to retain the latter and dump the former.

 

Lo and behold, yesterday The Atlantic published a splashy piece about the vice president and his camp harboring suspicions about the man atop the Pentagon. The VP “has repeatedly questioned the Defense Department’s depiction of the war in Iran” in meetings, the magazine reported. Specifically, Vance confidantes “believe that Hegseth’s portrayal has been so positive as to be misleading.”

 

I don’t blame them for feeling that way.

 

To watch a Pete Hegseth press conference is to come away thinking that the U.S. military isn’t just in control of the battlespace but has rendered Iran defenseless. (Apart from the coastline along the Strait of Hormuz, that is.) That’s precisely what his boss wants to hear, not coincidentally. But the reality is otherwise: Roughly half of the regime’s missile launchers were intact at the start of this month’s ceasefire, and others came back online as the Iranians dug them out from under rubble. Missiles are also being unearthed, with some sources estimating that Iran could end up recovering as much as 70 percent of its pre-war arsenal.

 

America has also sustained more damage than much of the public realizes. NBC News reported a few days ago that Iran’s air assets struck dozens of U.S. military targets on bases across seven Gulf countries at the start of the war. One attack on a site in Kuwait was apparently carried out by an Iranian jet that evaded U.S. air defenses, “the first time an enemy fixed-wing aircraft has struck an American military base in years.”

 

And repelling Iran’s attacks has come at a high cost. Since the start of the war, CNN claimed last week, “the U.S. military has expended at least 45 percent of its stockpile of Precision Strike Missiles; at least half of its inventory of THAAD missiles, which are designed to intercept ballistic missiles; and nearly 50 percent of its stockpile of Patriot air defense interceptor missiles.” That’s what Vance and his team are reportedly aggrieved about, per The Atlantic. America’s ability to fight future wars is quietly being sapped, and the Pentagon is largely mum about it.

 

Getting Hegseth axed for lying about a war that postliberals hate would be a redemptive masterstroke by the vice president, appeasing his fans with a scalp and affirming them in their conviction that the conflict was a mistake.

 

Republicans.

 

Other Republicans around Trump also have reasons to get rid of the defense secretary. As in Vance’s case, they’re a mix of policy substance and political ass-covering.

 

Lawmakers seem sincerely alarmed by Hegseth’s chaotic firing binges inside the Pentagon, as they should be. The man in charge has torched centuries of experience by ridding the military of more than a dozen senior officers since he took over, with arguably the two most consequential—George and Phelan—coming in the middle of a war.

 

There are other strikes against him, of course. Hegseth has encouraged those under his command not to worry about committing war crimes, for instance, and obsessed over picayune culture-war grievances like the Fox News host he was and still is at heart. Last week he announced that the military will no longer mandate flu vaccinations, a move that’s inexplicable as a matter of readiness but is sure to endear him to the anti-vax populist peanut gallery to which he’s forever playing.

 

Meanwhile, his religious rationalizations for the war have been so obnoxious that the pope himself felt moved to speak up about them. If there’s one more thing Republicans don’t need right now, it’s a needless fight with the Vatican and American Catholics.

 

But purging the Pentagon of able officers over petty grudges and blocking the promotions of worthy recipients for no legitimate reason is Hegseth’s cardinal sin. “The hollowing out of incredible leadership at the Pentagon has been a big concern,” one Republican senator complained to The Hill. Sen. Thom Tillis agreed, arguing that Hegseth’s “less-than-ideal personnel decisions” may be due to the fact that he’s managing “an organization that’s much larger, much more complex than anything he’s done.”

 

I will leave you to guess how Tillis voted on confirming Hegseth to lead that famously large, famously complex organization.

 

As the saying goes, if everyone around you is an a–hole, you’re the a–hole. Dismayed Republicans inside the Capitol have spent 15 months watching the secretary of defense gradually lobotomize the military in the apparent belief that everyone around him is an a–hole. They’ve finally located the real a–hole, it seems, just as the midterm campaign is about to ramp up.

 

Presumably they’re hoping that a quick end to the war followed by Trump firing Hegseth might mollify swing voters who are disgruntled over the conflict and want to see accountability for it. George W. Bush famously waited until after the 2006 midterms to fire Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, too late to avert an Iraq-war backlash that drove Democrats to sweeping victories. The GOP doesn’t want Trump to make the same mistake.

 

Plus, Hegseth is the problem would provide a conveniently self-serving excuse for the political troubles of a party that willingly mortgaged its soul and its strategy to Donald Trump. Gas prices have reached their highest level since the war began, and Americans’ pessimism about their own personal financial situation is the highest in Gallup’s polling this century. Yet as I write this on Tuesday, the most urgent Republican cause on Capitol Hill is making sure the president gets to build the widely despised ballroom he’s craving—and that hard-strapped taxpayers pick up the tab for it.

 

It won’t be Pete Hegseth’s fault when the GOP is annihilated in the midterms. But a lot of people who do bear blame for that annihilation will want us to believe that it is.

 

The military.

 

The most interesting detail about Ryan Grim’s scoop yesterday was who it came from. “Multiple Army sources” confirmed the particulars of the Kid Rock joy ride for him, allegedly.

 

That’s not surprising. The Army “has seen many of its top three- and four-star officers with deep experience fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan fired or sidelined in recent months,” the New York Times reported several weeks ago. The branch’s vice chief of staff was forced out last October, then Gen. George was fired, and now Hegseth’s nemesis Driscoll, the Army secretary, is in the crosshairs.

 

The secretary of defense is culling respected Army officials without so much as an explanation to the public. His moronic stunts, like flying around in helicopters with rock stars (technically a former rock star in this case, I suppose), are an embarrassment. And he’s seemingly incapable of comporting himself professionally, from his grandstanding media-bashing briefings to his suck-uppery toward Trump. He “strives to tell the president exactly what he wants to hear,” one former administration official told The Atlantic. “I think that’s dangerous.”

 

Given all of that, do you suppose the Army brass is eager to see him go?

 

To make matters worse, Hegseth seems not to have realized what he was getting the military into in Iran. Earlier this month Time magazine reported that he was “caught off-guard” by the ferocity of Iran’s retaliation during the first days of the conflict: “In internal deliberations before the war’s launch, Hegseth had pointed to Iran’s muted reaction to Trump’s past attacks as evidence that calibrated force could impose costs on Tehran without triggering a broader war.”

 

“He was expecting the Iranians to fight back in some form,” a source told the publication. “When they started attacking virtually the entire region, it sort of hit him like, ‘Whoa, we’re really in this now.’”

 

It’s one thing to put up with bad behavior from a brilliant strategist like George Patton, who’s going to win wars. It’s another to put up with it from a TV host who didn’t expect that a campaign framed explicitly in terms of regime change might cause the regime in question to hit back with everything it’s got. You can understand why Team Vance wants to lay the deepening munitions shortfall at Hegseth’s feet: He was the one who badly underestimated how vigorous America’s regional defense would need to be, it appears.

 

And so, for the Pentagon, the way forward isn’t complicated. It can bite its collective tongue and continue to be saddled with a cosplaying poseur and incompetent yes-man at the top. Or it can leak episodes like the Kid Rock chopper ride and hope that even Donald Trump has some limit to how much humiliation he’s willing to endure from Pete Hegseth.

 

The next chapter.

 

I think it’s widely assumed that Hegseth is headed back to right-wing media if he’s bounced, and for good reason. That’s where Trump administration washouts tend to end up. Besides, if there’s one skill that the current secretary of defense genuinely does possess, it’s fluency in the sort of boorish cultural tribalism that plays with right-wing infotainment consumers.

 

There’s big money in it for him potentially. He’ll do it for a while, I’m sure. But probably not for very long.

 

Having had a taste of real power, a person like Hegseth is unlikely to be satisfied with mere wealth and fame. I suspect he’ll look around for some smallish red state to move to where he might plausibly win elections on name recognition alone and look to run for governor eventually.

 

He’d be an interesting figure in populist politics, as there aren’t all that many members of the current establishment who are as belligerent to foreign enemies as they are to domestic ones. The most strident lib-haters and woke-bashers in Trump’s GOP tend to be postliberals who dislike picking fights with illiberal regimes like Iran’s, believing that national resources should be applied toward eradicating the scourge of liberalism within. That’s why they’re mad at Trump: They thought he agreed with them about that.

 

The president occasionally tempers his considerable belligerence for reasons of political expediency, like when he dialed down ICE operations in Minneapolis amid a national backlash. If Hegseth enters electoral politics, I expect he’ll position himself by contrast as a man who’ll never back off an enemy no matter who that enemy might be—the libs, Iran, vaccines, the Geneva Conventions, you name it.

 

His ethos would be “no quarter,” to borrow a phrase he’s been known to use. The two episodes I recounted at the start of this newsletter capture that mindset succinctly: After taking heat last month for refusing to discipline the Apache pilots who flew by the singer’s home, of course Hegseth would defiantly compound the transgression by taking Kid Rock up for an Apache ride of his own.

 

No apologies. No remorse. No quarter. Ruthlessness in all things. Maximum warfare, everywhere, all the time.

 

I’m curious to see how that platform would fare with Republican voters after even Trump felt obliged to campaign on tamping down certain forms of ruthlessness, such as in foreign policy. Despite the “end endless wars” argle-bargle, most of the GOP has supported the president in every military adventure he’s undertaken, Iran included. How would they respond to a candidate who dropped all pretense of restraint and promised to brutalize both the left and the Khomeinists?

 

Maybe better than we think. Especially if that came packaged with hardline evangelical posturing that bears a suspicious resemblance to Christian nationalism.

 

If he’s fired tomorrow, Pete Hegseth will be able to credibly say that no other member of Donald Trump’s Cabinet waged culture war within the department he ran as aggressively as he did. Pair that with his knack for bombastic performances of “toughness” and you’ve got someone who’s well-suited to a party that now treats grave matters of state with roughly the same degree of seriousness as it treats pro wrestling. There will be many miserable bequests from Trump’s presidencies, but “Gov. Hegseth” would be an unusually obnoxious one.

Violent Rhetoric Is a Bipartisan Problem—And So Is the Resulting Hypocrisy

By Jonah Goldberg

Wednesday, April 29, 2026

 

A heavily armed California man was caught trying to storm the White House Correspondents Dinner Saturday with the apparent intent to kill the president.

 

It didn’t take long for Washington to start arguing about hypocrisy. Democrats denounce violent rhetoric from the right, but the alleged assailant seemed to be inspired by his own rhetoric.

 

President Trump, after initially offering some unifying remarks about defending free speech, soon started accusing the press of encouraging violence against him. Critics pounced on the hypocrisy.

 

The argument about hypocrisy isn’t about mere inconsistency. The point of the accusation is to say that condemnations of violence are insincere. “Your team says it’s against violence” or “your side says my side encourages violence,” but just look at what your language inspired!

 

The hypocrisy is bipartisan.

 

Indeed, for two decades now, it seems that whenever political violence erupts, there’s a moment where partisans wait to learn the motives of the perpetrator so they can start blaming the other side for inciting it. Sometimes they don’t even wait. Jared Loughner, the man who shot former Democratic Rep. Gabby Giffords and killed several others, was instantaneously labeled an agent of the Tea Parties and Sarah Palin. The truth is, he was such a paranoid schizophrenic that a court found him incompetent to stand trial.

 

I don’t have the space to run through the dozens of examples—the congressional baseball shooting, the Charleston AME Church slaughter, the El Paso Walmart massacre, the recent murder of Minnesota lawmakers, the January 6 riot, or the failed WHCD attack. But in the wake of these bloody crimes, partisans left and the right will scour the killer’s social media or read their “manifestos” and place the blame on the rhetoric of the team closest to the murderer’s ideology.

 

Now, my point isn’t to say that blaming the rhetoric of nonviolent people for the crimes of violent people is wrong. It is wrong, of course, particularly as a matter of law. If I quote Shakespeare and write, “Let’s kill all the lawyers,” I am not responsible for someone who actually shoots a lawyer (nor is the Bard). But that doesn’t mean violent, extremist rhetoric is laudable, healthy, or blameless for the sorry state of American politics or society or that it never plays a role in inspiring wrongdoing.

 

However such rhetoric might encourage violence, it certainly encourages the sense that something is broken in American life. More specifically, it fuels the idea that our political opponents are existential enemies.

 

Outgroup homogeneity” is the term social psychologists use to describe the very human tendency to think the groups you belong to are diverse and complex, but the groups you don’t belong to aren’t. A non-Asian person might think all Asians are alike, but for Asians the differences between—or among!—Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Indian people are both obvious and significant.

 

American politics right now are almost defined by outgroup homogeneity. Many Democrats and progressives think all Republicans and conservatives are alike, and vice versa. That would be bad enough, but the problem is compounded by the fact that each side tends to think the consensus on the other side is defined by their worst actors and spokespeople. This is sometimes called “nutpicking.” You find the most extreme person on the other side and hold them up as representative of all Democrats or Republicans.

 

Partisan media amplifies this dynamic at scale. Pew finds that Republicans (who watch Fox News) are more familiar with the term “critical race theory” than Democrats, the supposed devotees of it. Democrats recognize the term “Christian nationalist” more than supposedly Christian nationalist Republicans do.

 

Consider the recent debates over Hasan Piker and Nick Fuentes, both prominent social media influencers, one far left and the other far right, who say grotesque, indefensible, and stupid things. The arguments within the two coalitions are not over whether they should be spokesmen for their respective sides, but whether their “voices” (and fans) should be welcome inside the broader Democratic or Republican tents. Few accommodationists endorse the worst rhetoric from Piker or Fuentes, but they oppose “purity tests.”

 

On the merits, I think both should be shunned and condemned. But even if the question is purely a political one, they should still be ostracized. Why? Because people outside the respective coalitions will—however fairly or unfairly—hold up the extremists on the fringe as representative of the whole. The only way for either party to prove to people outside the tent that it opposes extremism is by opposing it inside their own tents first. Otherwise, their hypocrisy will continue to define them.