Thursday, February 19, 2026

The Age of Dangerous Idiots

By Abe Greenwald

Tuesday, February 17, 2026

 

One of the most disorienting aspects of our current national moment is the mismatch between the heinous deeds inflicted on us and the pathetic people doing the inflicting. Americans are being preyed upon either by a legion of freaks or an army of imbeciles.

 

As an example of the former, consider the man who just opened fire at a Pawtucket, Rhode Island, hockey game. A transgender Nazi fan, he looked like a football player in drag for a comedy sketch. But he nonetheless killed his ex-wife and son and wounded several others. These trans shooters always have pitiable online lives and look like passed-over circus performers—and they kill a lot of innocent people.

 

The line between the freaks and the imbeciles isn’t always clear. Streaming hate-peddlers like Andrew Tate are a bit of both. Tate has been charged with rape and human trafficking, and he brags about why reading books is for people with slow brains. He’s a goon and a moron, and he’s also a leading figure in the online promotion of Jew-hatred and misogyny. Another former fighter, Jake Shields uses his prominent platform to deny or minimize the Holocaust, yet he can’t pronounce “Auschwitz” for his life.   

 

Speaking of trouble with words, Candace Owens, the queen of anti-Semitic conspiracy theory, struggles mightily with basic English. To note just a few of her lost battles with her native tongue, in Owens’s nutty rants, “grandiose” becomes “grandoys,” “bureau” is “burrow,” “satiating” is “saychayting,” “napalm” is “nahpalm,” “beret” is “barrette,” “reminiscent” is “remnishent,” “posthumous” is “post-humous,” and “compartmentalize” is “comprementalize.” She’s like a child learning words for the first time—every time. And she makes powerful observations, noting that “truth,” for example, “is way stranger in fiction.” Owens is the unwitting Yogi Berra of Jew-hatred. And there she is, driving basement-dwellers into Nazism. Like her friend Kanye West, who once announced he was going “death con 3” on the Jews (the term he was looking for is “defcon”), she sells anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism to the illiterate.

 

There’s a lot of that going around. Beyond the straightforwardly illiterate, we’re menaced by the historically and religiously illiterate as well. There are the self-appointed revisionist historians who’ve never read a single work of serious history. There are people like Carrie Prejean Boller, the disgraced former beauty queen who converted to Catholicism last year, just in time to lecture Catholic clergy and scholars about the religion’s incompatibility with Zionism. Tucker Carlson, who only recently read the Bible cover to cover and wrestles demons in his bedroom, does the same.

 

We also have lesser imbeciles who enjoy greater public standing. Over the weekend, AOC attended the Munich Security Conference, where she asked whether the U.S. would defend Taiwan were it attacked by China. Her answer: “Um, you know, I think that, uh, this is such a, you know, I think that this is a, um, this is of course a very long-standing, um, policy of the United States. Uh and I think what we are hoping for is that we want to make sure that we never get to that point and we want to make sure that we are moving in all of our economic research and our global positions to avoid any such confrontation and for that question to even arise.” Yet, she didn’t hesitate or stammer in telling European leaders that Israel committed genocide in Gaza. 

 

When hard and serious men are the villains, it’s obvious what must be done. We must be hard and serious in fighting them. But it’s more confounding when we have to respond to the horrific deeds of gamer screwballs and the malicious words of morons. Some of them seem barely to take themselves seriously. So you find yourself tempted to swat them away. Or you hang on to a thin hope that they’ll be undone by their own eccentricities and deficiencies. But they seem, instead, to be multiplying and doing ever greater damage. 

 

Decades ago, I was in a video arcade in Penn Station when a small group of children demanded I give them money. I started to laugh at the scenario—but then I noticed that at least one of them had a crude weapon. All decent Americans are now facing something like that situation. The new enemies of civilization are at once dangerous and ridiculous. But they’re not children, so we must still be hard and serious in defeating them.

On ‘White Culture’

By Jonah Goldberg

Wednesday, February 18, 2026

 

I was about to write that I own most of Thomas Sowell’s books, but then I figured I should look up how many books he actually wrote. The number is around 45. So I’ll say I have most of his famous books, and a few of less well-known ones. But I only have two on my Kindle. I searched those two for the phrase “acting white.” It comes up numerous times in Black Rednecks and White Liberals, and a few times in Discrimination and Disparities.

 

If you know anything about Sowell, you know that he has contempt for the term. He thinks it harms blacks, and he has a lot of studies to back him up. He also—fun fact—thinks intra-black cultural animosity towards educational achievement is one of the “self-inflicted wounds that can jeopardize the whole future of a people.”

 

He also condemns the “white liberals and others who excuse, celebrate, or otherwise perpetuate that lifestyle, not only preserve it among that fraction of the black population which has not yet escaped from it, but have contributed to its spread up the social scale to middle class black young people who feel a need to be true to their racial identity, lest they be thought to be ‘acting white.’ It is the spread of a social poison, however much either black or white intellectuals try to pretty it up or try to find some deeper meaning in it.”

 

I agree with Sowell. I’ll be more blunt: telling young black kids that excelling in school makes you a race traitor is evil, racist, and un-American. In a Venn diagram those three judgments would overlap each other. But just to add a little clarity: It’s evil because it’s a massive impediment to individual and collective self-improvement; it’s racist (a subordinate kind of evil) because it assumes the inferiority of blacks and the superiority of whites; and it’s un-American because one of the single best things about this country is the cultural and moral expectation that you should judge people based on their actions, not on their membership in some group.

 

Sowell is one of the hardest-working and most intellectually accomplished people alive today. Conservatives have lionized him, and deservedly so, for most of my life.

 

Now a bunch of conservatives, or at least right-wingers, are arguing that he’s just acting white.

 

They won’t say it about him, but that’s the upshot of the new fad for “white culture.” The idea burst out into the open last week when Jeremy Carl, a scholar at the Claremont Institute, had a confirmation hearing for his nomination for a State Department gig. He’s the author of The Unprotected Class: How Anti-White Racism Is Tearing America Apart. He was also the author of thousands of tweets defending the January 6 rioters and saying things like “if the U.S. were a serious nation,” Randi Weingarten would be “tried for crimes against America’s children and would get the death penalty.”

 

(I think Weingarten has played a terrible role in American life. I do not think she should be executed.)

 

Now, here’s where I might lose some readers, but stay with me. I agree with the claim that anti-white racism is—or has—done terrible damage to America.

 

Among the evidence to support my opinion, I give you Jeremy Carl and the effort to make “white culture” a thing.

 

Let’s turn back the clock. As many of Carl’s defenders rightly note, over the last three decades, the people pushing the idea that “whiteness” is evil, and that “white culture” must be dismantled, have been on the left. I wrote about this extensively in my first book. An excerpt:

 

The “key to solving the social problems of our age is to abolish the white race,” writes the whiteness studies scholar and historian Noel Ignatiev. Whiteness studies is a cutting-edge academic discipline sweeping American higher education. Some thirty universities have WS departments, but many more schools teach the essentials of whiteness studies in other courses. The executive director of the Center for the Study of White American Culture explains, “There is no crime that whiteness has not committed against people of color…. We must blame whiteness for the continuing patterns today … which damage and prevent the humanity of those of us within it.” The journal Race Traitor (ironically, a Nazi term) is dedicated “to serve as an intellectual center for those seeking to abolish the white race.” Now, this is not a genocidal movement; no one is suggesting that white people be rounded up and put in camps. But the principles, passions, and argumentation have troubling echoes.

 

I also pointed to Leonard Jeffries. Now largely forgotten, the former chair of the Black Studies Department at City College of New York made quite a splash with his racist claims that whites are “ice people” and blacks are “sun people.”

 

In the years since I wrote that, the left’s obsession with “whiteness” metastasized. I won’t review it all, but Dispatch Contributing Writer Jesse Singal has a great piece on this with links to some useful surveys of the academic obsession with the scourge of whiteness.

 

For years, respectable academics, intellectuals, and journalists trafficked in all sorts of anti-white or anti-whiteness ideas and policies. I don’t just mean race-based admissions policies. Medical schools have been flirting with all manner of ideas about taking race into account when providing care. During COVID, there was a push to prioritize access to vaccines based on race. Well before I wrote Liberal Fascism, left-wing activists used a flawed study, “Workforce 2000,” to celebrate the fact that white people would soon be a minority. There was another round of such giddiness after progressives misread Ruy Teixeira’s and John Judis’ book The Emerging Democratic Majority (Democratic activists missed the part about holding on to the white working class, preferring instead to believe they could jettison it—and they did). You can roll your eyes at J.D. Vance for declaring that white people no longer need to apologize for being white all you like, but there’s a reason it resonated with so many people.

 

Not every point made by “whiteness” obsessives is without merit. Race, after all, has played a huge role in American history and it would be idiotic to deny that, particularly when talking about Jim Crow and the like. 

 

There have always been white people who talked about whiteness as if it was a culture. But if you scratch the surface just a little, you’ll find that it most often meant something slightly different. They meant our kinds of white people. The WASPs who ruled elite institutions didn’t include southern and eastern Europeans (Catholic and Jewish)—never mind the Irish!—fresh off the boat, nor did they include the hillbillies, rednecks, Okies, crackers, sandhillers, and Yankee swamp rats who made up large swaths of “white America.” And to be even more fair to the “whiteness studies” crowd, it’s true that many of these groups, or at least many within these groups, were quite racist toward blacks. But if you take a few minutes to study  eugenics in the Progressive Era (and its legacy into the 1970s), you’ll quickly learn that the “unfit” they had in mind were fellow white people. And they sterilized tens of thousands of them. The left made many mistakes in their old obsessions with class as the Rosetta Stone for understanding America, but they also caught many things that race-obsessed left missed.

 

One reason for the failure of the anti-white project—which influenced elite journalism and pop culture in various ways (a column for another time)—is that it was destined to invite a backlash (particularly during a period of mass migration). Don’t take my word for it. Sheri Berman, a scholar with impeccable progressive credentials, tried to warn the left of how unhelpful this project was. Reviewing piles of academic research, she writes:

 

Relatedly, research suggests that calling people racist when they do not see themselves that way is counterproductive. As noted above, while there surely are true bigots, studies show that not all those who exhibit intolerant behavior harbor extreme racial animus. Moreover, as Stanford psychologist Alana Conner notes, if the goal is to diminish intolerance “telling people they’re racist, sexist and xenophobic is going to get you exactly nowhere. It’s such a threatening message. One of the things we know from social psychology is when people feel threatened, they can’t change, they can’t listen.”

 

Guilt by association is evil. Blaming, punishing, disrespecting, or otherwise demeaning a black doctor for something a black criminal did is illiberal and unjust. Doing the same thing to white people is also wrong. Intergenerational guilt is just another form of guilt by association. When you tell people that their ancestors were the bad guys, with no other evidence than they, too, were white (or Jewish, Muslim, black, whatever) that’s unfair. But even if it were in some sense true, blaming them for the deeds of others long ago is unfair, too. And it causes people to get defensive. Our moral worth as individuals is exactly that, individual. My Jewish ancestors were not slave traders, they were garment workers and jockey cap makers. But even if my ancestors were slave traders, I didn’t trade any slaves. I don’t hold Germans and Austrians born after the Holocaust accountable for things they didn’t do and views they do not hold.

 

So it is not at all surprising to me that some white people took offense and tried to defend “white culture” after decades of people demonizing it.

 

But two wrongs don’t make a right.

 

Much of the effort to defend Carl and the concept of white culture takes the now familiar form of pointing out that the left is hypocritical for denouncing white culture and then pretending that no one ever talked about white culture. Christopher Rufo & Co. are right about the double standard. A standard that says you can use “white” to demonize but never to defend is unfair and illogical. It boils down to a form of “shut up and take it” politics.

 

But embracing whiteness is a mistake all the same. Defenders of the white culture thesis want their own double standard. On the one hand, they want to say that “white culture” is real, but when you press them, they also say that “white” is just a synonym for Western or European culture. Okay, then why use it? If the identitarianism of the left should be condemned, why construct an identitarianism of the right?

 

Carl did not do a good job in his hearings, and it doesn’t sound like he’ll get confirmed. But he’s still trying to clean things up. He has a long post on X clarifying his views, in which he writes, “I firmly believe that Americans of *every* race or cultural background can ultimately share in and contribute to that culture.”

 

That’s great. So why focus on whiteness in the first place?

 

Bo Winegard has an interesting defense of the term. He writes:

 

In its broadest and most coherent sense, it is traditional Western (European) civilization, the civilization that white people created or absorbed and synthesized. It is Christian, individualistic, analytical, rational. It values law, order, liberty, knowledge, impersonal norms and self-restraint. It is the heritage of Greek philosophers, Roman jurists, Medieval theologians, Renaissance artists, Protestant reformers, Enlightenment political theorists, Romantic poets, constitutional framers, jurists, scientists and other myriad defenders of ordered liberty. But it is also the heritage of millions of unsung, unremembered men and women who received that inheritance and faithfully passed it on to their children.

 

If you used “traditional Western civilization” I wouldn’t have a big objection to this. But he offers a footnote, in which writes:

 

One might argue that “white culture” is a misnomer since other races can participate in and share this culture. Why associate it with white people? Because it is the culture that white people created/absorbed/synthesized and spread. Replace white people, and white culture would cease to exist pretty quickly.

 

I think the paranoia over “white replacement” gives away the store here. But putting that aside, you can’t have it both ways. You can’t say “white culture” is a vital concept and then when pressed, retreat to an argument that says “Oh, don’t get hung up on the white part.”

 

And I’ve got to say the outrage—even when sincere—at the charge that “white culture” is racist is weak sauce politically, because a lot of the people pushing it are perfectly happy to have the term serve as a dog whistle for racists. It’s analogous to Yoram Hazony’s performative outrage over the idea that his coalition includes antisemites, even as he defends people and institutions that amplify antisemitism. If you’re going to hold all of the left accountable for the racist crap promoted by some, don’t be too indignant about people doing the same thing to the new right.

 

But back to the idea that “white” and “Western Civilization” are synonymous terms.

 

This also misses the fact that Western Civilization was never a single culture. I’m used to such claims from anti-colonial firebrands who want to argue that the Brits and the Nazis they were fighting were all one culture. It’s kind of wild to hear it from the right.

 

One of the best things about Western culture is what the left calls “cultural appropriation.” The story of the West isn’t about cultural coherence, some steady-state machine where we do “Western things.” The story is about cultural dynamism. It’s a vast marketplace where bits of culture are bartered and traded, ideas are copied and reinvented in novel ways. The Western thing is to explore, to question, debate, and study ourselves and non-Western things, too. Western society draws its strength not from purity but from what might be called mongrel vigor. Blacks used European instruments to create a new form of music, jazz, widely considered to be the most authentic American music. Is jazz white now? 

 

One often hears about the loss of white American “folkways.” Frankly, I am too. I like a lot of regional customs, diverse ways of living, etc. I think we’re richer for such things (and not just the white subcultures either). But the loss of folkways is the unceasing story of any vibrant culture. Strong fish swim upstream against the current. Dead fish float with the tide. Trying to create a government policy of “preserving white culture” would turn those folkways into state-sponsored kitsch, like a vast Colonial Williamsburg.

 

As a conservative, I am an unapologetic defender of what radicals often deride as bourgeois values. I defend them not just because of the moral and cultural assumptions inherent in them, but because I think they work. Work hard, save, get educated, get married, put your kids first, act with integrity, be reasonably judgmental about bad habits and poor behavior, act as if the religious faith you follow tells you something important about moral conduct and the good life: Do these things and you won’t necessarily be rich, but you won’t be poor. Millions of blacks, Asians, Hispanics, and immigrants do these things not because it’s the white thing to do, because it’s the right and good thing to do (indeed, that’s what most of the immigrants who come here are seeking). A cultural project that tells people that doing these things makes you white or suggests that you’re trying to be white is just a horrible idea morally and politically. Because at some level it creates a barrier to entry for non-white people to thrive in America.

 

Virtually none of the things Winegard points to were accomplished in the name of “whiteness.” Jesus—hardly the blue-eyed Norwegian some might claim—did not preach on behalf of whiteness, nor did medieval theologians dedicate themselves to a “white” project. The upshot of this argument is that in order to keep white culture alive—which is not at all racist according to its more high-minded advocates—we should still structure our politics and cultural discourse so that we describe the best attributes of our culture as “white.” I guess if you count Jews as white—and believe me, there are a lot of people who don’t, going by my email and Twitter replies —you can include Einstein, Irving Berlin, and Spinoza. But what does that mean for Booker T. Washington, Jackie Robinson, Duke Ellington, Miles Davis, Ralph Ellison, Oprah Winfrey, or Barack Obama? Winegard and Carl’s argument is generous enough to include them in white culture, but their framing still implies these people were or are just “acting white.” One might say that such generosity is mighty white of them.

 

Or you might say that the new white culture right has completed its journey up the slope of the horseshoe. Conservatives, white conservatives, used to be outraged by the suggestion that Clarence Thomas and Thomas Sowell were Uncle Toms and race traitors because they’re conservative. The new white culture thesis agrees with the left, they just salute the Uncle Toms for their loyalty and commitment to the bit.

Following Munich, the U.S.–European Relationship Faces a Key Moment

By John O’Sullivan

Wednesday, February 18, 2026

 

When Secretary of State Marco Rubio arrived in Europe to attend the Munich Security Conference and visit with the European Union’s most rebellious member states, Hungary and Slovakia, he was preparing to deal with several serious practical disagreements with his European hosts as well as with an undeniable sense of malaise in transatlantic relations. He did so with panache and some success, after delivering a well-crafted speech on the underlying civilizational bonds uniting Europe and America. And though he left both a better understanding of U.S. positions and a better mood (signified by the standing ovation he received in Munich) by the time of his departure, he also made clear that the Trump administration will fight its corner on those disputes that remain undecided.

 

Consider the most urgent and basic of these disputes: Washington differs from most European governments on the crucial question of whether Russia poses an existential threat to Europe. That disagreement is being quietly ignored while President Trump’s peace initiative is being pursued with crossed fingers. In this interregnum, NATO allies have accepted in principle a new definition of burden-sharing — all NATO members will increase defense spending, and Europe will finance Ukraine’s military resistance (including the purchase of U.S. arms) while the U.S. maintains a smaller but still vital conventional force on the continent. Eventually, peace talks will either succeed or fail. In the former case, U.S. support for security guarantees to Ukraine will presumably be in the settlement (maybe because President Trump doesn’t believe that Russia is a threat); in the latter, the war will continue and the president will come under heavy European pressure to add some kind of U.S. backup to strengthen support for Ukraine. That will be a key moment for all of NATO.

 

Will it be a fatal moment? I don’t think so. Yes, since the publication of the Trump administration’s National Security Strategy, there’s been a great outpouring of European rhetoric about NATO’s collapse and Europe’s need for “strategic autonomy.” The reality is that Europe and America would both lose from the collapse of NATO. America would lose several major military allies in a multipolar world of great powers in which the U.S. is no longer the undoubted hegemon. Europe outside NATO would have to invest massively not only in conventional defense to replace U.S. forces on the ground, but additionally on a new European nuclear deterrent to compensate for the loss of the American nuclear umbrella. That would require money that Europe’s weak economies simply don’t have. “Strategic autonomy” for Europe would be more expensive for America and too expensive for Europe.

 

The pressing post-Ukraine need is for more defense spending that’s devoted to strengthening NATO — not for duplicating it incompetently. That spending will have to be financed from cuts in the domestic spending of Europe’s welfare states. France and Britain have both shown the political difficulty of cutting welfare, while Germany wrestles with a self-destructive energy policy dictated by Green partners in a coalition government.

 

The necessity of NATO after Ukraine is a no-brainer — indeed, most of the problems between Europe and the U.S. either don’t involve NATO or are easier to solve in a functioning serious military alliance in which ideology must take second place to reality on a regular basis.

 

Yet the EU seems intent on complicating matters, as Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau highlighted late last year:

 

My recent trip to Brussels for the NATO Ministerial meeting left me with one overriding impression: the U.S. has long failed to address the glaring inconsistency between its relations with NATO and the EU. These are almost all the same countries in both organizations. When these countries wear their NATO hats, they insist that transatlantic cooperation is the cornerstone of our mutual security. But when these countries wear their EU hats, they pursue all sorts of agendas that are often utterly adverse to US interests and security — including censorship, economic suicide/climate fanaticism, open borders, disdain for national sovereignty/promotion of multilateral governance and taxation, support for Communist Cuba, etc etc. This inconsistency cannot continue.

 

The problem for Washington is that this inconsistency is built into the EU and its justifying ideology of Europeanism, both of which are radically opposed to the principles of American foreign policy as laid out in NSS 2025. As several European commentators have observed, usually disapprovingly, the NSS believes that nation-states are the building blocks of international relations and that the national interest should determine foreign policy most of the time. But opposition to nation-states and “nationalism” is the foundational principle of the EU. Its ideology considers them to be the causes of war, racism, xenophobia, chaos, and many other bad things. And if you examine Landau’s list of agenda items pursued by the EU that damage American interests and security, you’ll see that they derive logically from the EU’s preference for transnational agencies and multilateralism over national democratic governance.

 

These preferences and the laws and regulations reflecting them — which are friendly to left-progressivism and hostile to conservatism — are not only obstacles to American diplomacy but also unpopular with large numbers of voters, sometimes majorities, in their own countries. Increasingly, the EU has sought to insulate its policymaking from this democratic opposition — hence Brexit and referendums that went the wrong way and had to be reversed or “got ’round.” But until the Trump administration, it generally had the support of U.S. policymakers who, ignoring its less-than-democratic character, saw the EU as a flattering imitation of Uncle Sam. The EU is in fact a rival political regime to sovereign democracies — and increasingly self-conscious about that flagship role.

 

Take one current controversy: When the NSS was published, it was received by most European politicians as hostile to Europe. In fact, as many commentators pointed out, it was extremely friendly to Europe, praising the continent for its vast historical achievements. Yet this praise — amplified in Secretary Rubio’s speech — was praise for the “Wrong Europe”: not the Europe of directives, harmonization, and Net Zero, but the Europe of the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, and the Industrial Revolution. And even that praise elicited a few angry responses that Rubio was celebrating slavery, piracy, genocide, and colonialism. But these responses illustrate the reflexive historical masochism that animates the case for a post-historical Europe of Acronyms and Quangos almost as revealingly as the passionate defenses against Vice President JD Vance’s criticisms of EU censorship last year illustrated its suffocating illiberalism. Compare and contrast what post-historical Europe disavows and what it embraces — and consider which Europe we want as our ally.

 

Here’s another: A passage in the NSS justified U.S. support for “patriotic” conservative parties, which oppose mass immigration and face threats of cancellation by EU institutions and member governments. This support was reiterated even more sharply by Rubio’s final stop in Budapest, where he gave a full-throated and resounding endorsement of Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party in the approaching April election. Supporting foreign political parties in elections has its risks: It complicates diplomacy with governments of opposing parties then or later. But in Hungary, the EU is backing the main opposition party as strongly, and though the polls show the opposition somewhat ahead, it’s generally agreed that the race is close in reality. So the Rubio (i.e., Trump) endorsement could well make the difference between an Orbán victory or defeat — between having a strong ideological ally or a Brussels-leaning novice at the helm in Hungary at a time when major questions on the NATO alliance are liable to be decided.

 

And, finally, there’s the growing transatlantic dispute between Elon Musk and the EU, which accuses him of violating EU laws and regulations designed to protect democracy against disinformation. But officialdom has no monopoly on truth, which its rules on countering disinformation have sometimes suppressed. The Trumpian view is that EU and UK anti-disinformation rules undermine political liberty and sovereignty, criticism of mass immigration, free speech, the rights of political opposition, national identities, civilizational self-confidence, the interests of US tech corporations, and, oh, democracy too. (The Brits are shamefaced about this, the Euros arrogant.) If it’s a coincidence that the fines against X were announced the day after the release of NSS 2025, it’s a telling one.

 

We shouldn’t forget the question of “Who fired first?” In considering the disputes now and in the future between the Trump administration and the European Union, remember the remark of a last-century French general: “This animal is vicious. When it’s attacked, it defends itself.”

In Politics, Social Media Has Supplanted Experience

By Christian Schneider

Thursday, February 19, 2026

 

In the summer of 2007, a couple of hundred Lollapalooza music-festival-goers wandered to a side stage to see a little-known songstress sing along to a pre-recorded backing track. Video taken of the performance shows the audience reacting with confusion — onlookers are nearly universally stone-faced as the scantily clad woman writhes around the stage performing songs they’d never heard. It is likely the first time anyone in the small crowd had heard the name “Lady Gaga.”

 

Within two years, Gaga would be one of the most famous people in the world. But like many music stars, she played show after show to tiny crowds who wondered what planet she had descended from. This is what we expect of our music stars — years of honing their craft playing small bars, malls, bar mitzvahs, and the like. For some, it takes decades to become an overnight sensation.

 

This was once how politics worked in America. Political novices typically began their careers on a city council, working their way up to the state legislature, then maybe earning a place in the U.S. House or Senate. Building support was a slow, laborious process, as was learning how to write laws, negotiate compromises, and engage in effective public relations. Taking on angry constituents at town halls thickened the skins of elected officials and made them more rhetorically nimble.

 

But in the social media era, spending years honing one’s political craft appears to be a waste of time. Voter support isn’t gained by spending late nights at school board meetings or glad-handing at parades — it is far easier for aspiring politicians to simply build their name online. In effect, political experience has been supplanted by political attention.

 

In other words, it is now clear that we have more rigorous job requirements for our meat-dress-clad pop stars than for our elected officials.

 

Consider Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, whose rise was less the product of party grooming than of viral moments. Her Instagram Live sessions, Twitter clapbacks, and carefully curated online persona did more to elevate her national profile than any committee assignment ever could. AOC did not slowly accumulate influence; she arrived with it pre-installed, courtesy of millions of followers who already felt they knew her.

 

Naturally, there is nothing wrong with serving as a bartender, as Ocasio-Cortez did, before a career in Congress. A world governed by bartenders would be a better place — they are good listeners, they deliver what people want, and they know how to balance the books. But one would hope that some actual governing experience had occurred during her adulthood before she was thrown into the world of both domestic and international politics.

 

For instance, at an appearance in Munich last week, AOC provided this less-than-Churchillian answer to a standard foreign policy question: whether the U.S. government would send troops if China invaded Taiwan:

 

Um, you know, I think that, uh, this is such a, you know, I think that this is a, um, this is of course a very long-standing, um, policy of the United States. Uh and I think what we are hoping for is that we want to make sure that we never get to that point and we want to make sure that we are moving in all of our economic research and our global positions to avoid any such confrontation and for that question to even arise.

 

Any other politician might then ask for their name to be retroactively added to the Epstein files to draw attention away from such an embarrassing answer. But it’s drawing attention to her, and she’s fine with that.

 

In the social media age, what matters is not whether a member understands the intricacies of legislative markup or has thought about critical world issues, but whether she can distill a moment into a clip that thrives in the algorithm. In this environment, being wrong is less damaging than being boring.

 

The same phenomenon is visible on the right. Donald Trump did not rise because of his experience crafting legislation or governing institutions. He rose because he mastered the attention economy. Twitter was not merely a communications tool for Trump; it was the job. Each tweet served as a press release, rally speech, and opposition research memo rolled into one. Trump understood that in modern politics, outrage is a renewable resource.

 

That lesson was not lost on a generation of aspiring politicians who watched Trump turn social media dominance into political inevitability. His online presence did not supplement his campaign; it was his campaign. The traditional markers of experience became irrelevant once he proved that commanding the national conversation mattered more than commanding a committee room. But to borrow a phrase from Mark Twain, treating the U.S. presidency as an entry-level job is like trying to “build a house by beginning at the top.”

 

This shift helps explain the rapid ascent of ridiculous figures like Jasmine Crockett, a Democrat who spent only two years in the Texas House of Representatives before her 2022 elevation to Congress; she is now seeking a U.S. Senate seat. Crockett’s most visible contributions to national politics are not pieces of legislation but moments engineered for maximum digital spread. Her confrontational exchanges in hearings and profane outbursts are not designed to persuade colleagues across the aisle; they are designed to perform for an audience far beyond the room. The clip is the product. Governance is incidental.

 

In a system that rewards virality, politicians behave rationally by seeking it. If a viral confrontation earns more political capital than months of quiet coalition-building, the choice is obvious. The problem is that the skills required to go viral — speed, certainty, theatrical outrage — are often the opposite of the skills required to govern effectively. In the past, governing might produce drama, but now the only point is drama.

 

Even politicians who present themselves as intellectuals are not immune. Vice President JD Vance vaulted from author to senator without any previous governing experience, and it shows. His ascent did not come from years of cultivating local political networks; it came from mastering the national conversation. Vance’s political apprenticeship took place largely online, in front of an audience that already shared his worldview.

 

What unites these figures is not ideology but method. They did not climb the ladder; they took the elevator, and social media was the operator.

 

But this demonization of experience has now made elected office the one job in America where having trained for the job becomes a liability. Today, never having had the job is a qualification. Imagine telling someone, “I’m not concerned the guy I hired to keep me off death row didn’t go to law school — have you seen him dance on TikTok?”

 

Further, the political minor leagues are where candidates learn to take a position and stick with it. Learning to defend a policy choice is an important part of the job — if you’re just dropped into the position with no practice, it is easier to flit between positions depending on the mood of the moment. There’s no need to read books on economics or law — the only book you need is Facebook.

 

This also helps explain why governing feels so dysfunctional. Anyone with a phone, a ring light, and a knack for provocation can build a following large enough to demand a seat at the table — whether or not they are prepared for what happens once they get there.

 

None of this is likely to reverse itself. Voters are not going to stop consuming politics the way they consume entertainment, and politicians are not going to stop responding to incentives. But it is worth acknowledging what we have traded away. In our rush to elevate the loudest voices, we have devalued the quiet competencies that once defined public service.

 

Lady Gaga had to learn how to command a stage. We elect politicians and just hope they figure things out during their first gig.

AOC’s Risible Performance

By Rich Lowry

Tuesday, February 17, 2026

 

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez did a star turn at the Munich Security Conference, and her appearances went about as well as you’d expect of a celebrity congresswoman who has spent five minutes thinking about foreign policy.

 

AOC is to strategic thinkers what Gayle King is to astronauts.

 

She projects all the authority of an International Relations 101 student who didn’t realize that there was going to be a pop quiz before spring break.

 

She sounds as if she watched the 2024 Kamala Harris campaign and concluded that what sank the vice president was that the candidate’s policy answers were much too substantive and precise. There’s no way, judging by her performance in Germany, that AOC is going to let herself make the same mistake.

 

Ocasio-Cortez critiqued Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s remarkable speech at the conference for being “a pure appeal to ‘Western culture,’” which she rendered with air quotes as though its existence is somehow in doubt.

 

It is certainly true, as she said, that cultures change over time, but this doesn’t alter the reality of Western distinctiveness as it has developed over a couple of millennia.

 

AOC seemed to consider it a provocation that Rubio had talked about Western culture when discussing a Western alliance, NATO, founded to defend Western countries from a totalitarian menace emanating from a Eurasian behemoth.

 

In fact, the secretary’s speech was well-received and persuasively set out the common history of Europe and the United States.

 

The AOC rejoinder was that what she called “alleged” Western values are illusory because they haven’t always defined our interactions with “the global South.” Even if the West hasn’t always lived up to its values, though, that doesn’t falsify them or make them any less powerful.

 

The best formula for success for underdeveloped countries around the world — the global South — would be for them to Westernize in the sense of embracing the rule of law, property rights, markets, and stable, representative government.

 

AOC also said that culture is “thin” compared to concrete economic interests. This belief that material considerations trump cultural ones — from religious faith to national identity — is an old Marxist chestnut that has proved false over and over again.

 

At the outset of World War I, the AOCs of the time believed that the working classes of the various combatant countries would unite to oppose the conflict. As it happened, they backed the war efforts of their own nations.

 

The average American worker has nothing in common with a Chinese worker or, for that matter, a French or German worker. AOC is hoping for, in effect, a Fourth International as the foundation of “class-based” U.S. foreign policy — democratic socialists of the world unite!

 

This is a childish fantasy, but it wasn’t the least impressive thing she said at Munich.

 

Asked whether the U.S. should defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese attack, AOC hesitated and stumbled as though the question had never occurred to her previously, before not answering.

 

She objected to our operation to grab Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela. According to AOC, we undertook it “just because the nation is below the equator,” when Venezuela is north of the equator.

 

She poured scorn on Marco Rubio’s statement that American cowboy culture was “born in Spain,” apparently not realizing that he was wholly correct about this.

 

AOC is young and charismatic with a long career ahead of her, and she isn’t seeking to land a job at the State Department — she doesn’t need to be Prince Metternich or even Antony Blinken.

 

Yet, her time at the Munich conference was another reminder that no matter how much she is billed as a rising star, she is still callow and unserious. If AOC knows what she doesn’t know, she doesn’t seem to particularly care, and her casual disregard for Western culture is symptomatic of a left that, to its shame, considers its own civilization an affront and a lie.

Mamdani’s Utopian Vision Faces Reality

National Review Online

Thursday, February 19, 2026

 

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani on Tuesday unveiled his first budget, which came in the form of a threat. Given the deficit he inherited, he warned, if the state does not approve his plans for a destructive wealth tax, the city would be forced to impose a staggering 9.5 percent property tax increase.

 

The tax, which would hit 3 million residential properties and 100,000 commercial buildings, would immediately increase the housing costs of working-class New Yorkers, regardless of whether they own homes or are renters whose owners pass the taxes onto them. This would represent the abandonment of Mamdani’s “affordability” agenda, of which cheaper housing was one of the core pillars. The mayor isn’t even trying to hide that fact. His own budget document projects that the median income of those affected by the tax hike would be $122,000 — which doesn’t go as far in New York City as it does elsewhere, and of course, half of the people would be below the median.

 

On top of that, this plan would require raiding the city’s rainy-day fund as well as a health benefits fund for retired city workers.

 

This “harmful path” would be completely avoidable, he said, if only New York Governor Kathy Hochul and the state legislature would approve his plan to raise taxes on higher-income individuals and corporations. A wealth tax would require approval of the state government, and Hochul, currently running for reelection, has indicated opposition. But the city could hike property taxes on its own.

 

Aside from the plan being bad policy, Mamdani doesn’t exactly have the leverage he thinks he does. Immediately after he released his budget, the top two Democratic lawmakers on the city council who would have control over property taxes and could have helped make his bluff more convincing poured cold water on the idea.

 

“At a time when New Yorkers are already grappling with an affordability crisis, dipping into rainy day reserves and proposing significant property tax increases should not be on the table whatsoever,” New York City Council Speaker Julie Menin and finance committee chairwoman Linda Lee declared in a joint statement.

 

Mamdani’s push for a wealth tax, which has failed whenever it has been tried (never raising the promised revenue and hurting the economy by causing those with more money to move), rests on the fiction that those with means aren’t paying their fair share. But according to an analysis by the Empire Center for Public Policy, “Filers in the top 1 percent — which roughly corresponds to incomes of $1 million or more — accounted for 46 percent of income tax paid and one-third of total state tax revenue in 2023,” which is the most recent year with available data. Meanwhile, according to the state comptroller’s office, on Wall Street’s contribution to New York City specifically: “The securities industry is a major tax contributor to the state and city through business taxes on profits and personal income taxes on employees’ salaries. The industry generated an estimated $6.7 billion in revenue for New York City in fiscal year (FY) 2025, up 35.1% from the prior year, and represented 8.4% of the city’s total tax collections that year.”

 

If Mamdani is actually concerned about closing the city’s fiscal deficit, an obvious place to start would be to cut spending. Instead, he is proposing increasing the budget by $5 billion to $127 billion. By comparison, Governor Ron DeSantis proposed a budget of $117 billion for the entire State of Florida. This gap exists despite the fact that New York City’s population is 8.5 million and the population of Florida is 23.5 million.

 

If there is any good that may come out of the Mamdani experiment, it is that it will provide yet another high-profile example of what happens when the grandiose fantasies of utopian socialism encounter reality — and math.

Why Aren’t Texans Insulted by Ken Paxton?

By Noah Rothman

Wednesday, February 18, 2026

 

Anybody who spends enough time on social media (which, professional obligations notwithstanding, I don’t recommend) will encounter a disturbing level of racial and ethnic agitation. Some of it emanates from the backwaters of American society. Much of it is foreign in origin. Indeed, if you’ve built your brand around catering to that noxious outlook, the foreign audience is the backbone of your fanbase.

 

If, however, your goal is to build a representative and broad political coalition — not a following, but a constituency — you’d be a fool to promote yourself as a vehicle for the advancement of the sort of troglodytic racism that repels most Americans.

 

Enter Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton.

 

The Lone Star State AG is waging a heated campaign to primary incumbent Republican Senator John Cornyn out of office, and he never misses an opportunity to ding his opponent — even the opportunities from which anyone with a sense of decency and honor would recoil. Take, for example, Cornyn’s promotion of his recent endorsement by the author, intellectual, and human rights advocate Ayaan Hirsi Ali.

 

Cornyn’s pride provoked his, let’s say, more racially conscious critics on the right. “You’re bragging about being endorsed by a Somalian immigrant?” marveled one. “Can you get anymore out of touch?”

 

Again, conduct like this on social media is regrettably common. It should have been ignored. Many careers in politics and media have been cut short as a result of over-investing in the notion that the discourse on social media is representative of the broader public’s sentiments. It would have been a forgettable remark had Paxton not seen in it an opportunity to tarnish Cornyn.

 

To his credit, the Texas senator was not intimidated by Paxton’s appeal to racialist ignorance. “Ayaan Hirsi Ali is one of the most prominent anti-Islamification activists in the world, and I’m proud of her support,” Cornyn wrote in response to his opponent’s decision to boost that message’s signal. “Trust KP to take the low road — every time.”

 

What was Paxton thinking? Does he really believe that Hirsi Ali’s scholarship is less relevant than the color of her skin? Does he believe her anti-Sharia activism, which is informed by her own victimization at the hands of Islamist fundamentalists, is dismissible? Is he so besotted with reductionist nativism that he cannot identify any positive contributions Hirsi Ali has made to her adopted home country, where she’s permanently resided since 2006 and of which she became a citizen in 2013?

 

Maybe. Or, perhaps, he thinks Texas’s Republican primary voters, Neanderthals that they are, will default to the assumption that the foreign-born cannot be trusted — particularly those whose cosmic accidents of birth landed them in a place like Somalia.

 

If I were a Texas Republican, I would find the attorney general’s insinuation more than a little insulting. Of the many, many, many indiscretions in which the Lone Star State’s AG allegedly engaged over the course of his career in public life, he’s generally avoided implicating his supporters in his misdeeds. Not this time.

 

Here, the attorney general has his hand in the air, eagerly awaiting high fives from a base that he expects will reward his aggressive thoughtlessness. Hopefully, Texans leave him hanging.