Monday, February 16, 2026

The Problem with Beating Stupid

By Abe Greenwald

Wednesday, February 04, 2026

 

This morning on the podcast, Christine made the point that conservatives yearn for an intellectually sharp and challenging left, or at least they should. As with any type of competition, facing a strong opponent makes you better. The competition of ideas is no exception. A competent attack on your argument reveals its weak spots and forces you to make a stronger, more convincing case.

 

I then noted that, over recent years, however, the opposite has happened. The left, to be frank, has become really dumb. And having such inept opponents has made the right, in turn, intellectually flabby. Competing against bad players will make you worse.

 

What I meant was that, while the left got a lot of things accomplished, its animating ideologies became so absurd that no extraordinary effort was required to refute them. You just needed what Donald Trump rightly calls common sense.   

 

When one side is claiming that men can get pregnant, the other side can bury them in a debate without a genius on the team. When they call for abolishing the police, they’ve lost without you having to say a word. When they force people en masse into DEI training sessions, they make themselves loathed.

 

Moreover, when they tell you that a stumbling, mumbling president is at the top of his game, you no longer have to justify your support for Donald Trump or defend his conduct. When they proclaim that deadly riots are “mostly peaceful” protests, you may start getting some ideas about storming the Capitol. And against a thoughtless anti-Americanism, you throw up an equally thoughtless blood-and-soil nationalism.

 

While the academic left did create an elaborate architecture of social-justice theories to undergird liberal policy, it was really just a thin edifice of verbiage hiding the emptiness inside. There was no need for the right to respond with a complicated set of thoughtful counter-theories. Conservatives could merely laugh it into dust. Thus we got the Joe Roganization of the right. Rogan is a talented podcaster, but up until recently, he thought the moon landing was fake and that there are a billion Jews in the world. And his popularity on the right has inspired a pageant of additional fools.   

 

After the woke revolution and the Biden presidency, all Americans really wanted was someone to undo the rampant idiocy. That’s what the second Trump presidency vowed to achieve with its “common sense revolution.” And it did much of it—simply by saying no. The administration declared that there are only two sexes, that blue-city crime must be fought, that DEI is no more, that borders must be secure, and so on. 

 

But when policymaking is just a matter of saying no to nonsense, or sending in the troops and enforcing the law, you end up with a politics of nothing but blunt instruments. Problems are nails; solutions are hammers. That’s where we are now.

 

Unfortunately, a politics of blunt instruments eventually elevates the thick-headed and the belligerent. And their ranks swell in surprising ways because, while the dimwitted can’t be made smart, smart people can become very dumb. So a downward spiral has been set in motion on both the left and right, because each side is now fighting irrationality with irrationality. We’ve hit a low recently in Minnesota, where overzealous ICE agents were met with overzealous antagonists, two of whom were tragically killed. At least, I hope it’s a low. 

The Chutzpah of Yoram Hazony

By James Kirchick

Monday, February 16, 2026

 

On January 27, Israeli-American political commentator Yoram Hazony delivered a speech at the Second International Conference on Antisemitism in Jerusalem. Founder of the Edmund Burke Foundation and convenor of its National Conservatism (“NatCon”) conferences, Hazony was well situated to discuss the subject of his address, “Anti-Semitism and the American Right.” Last November, after Heritage Foundation president Kevin Roberts released a bizarre video denouncing a “venomous coalition” of “globalists” for attacking his “close friend” Tucker Carlson, Hazony hopped the next flight to Washington to assist the embattled think tank president with damage control. “I’ll never forget how these jackals circled, sniveling for blood,” Hazony later wrote of the conservatives who had taken Roberts to task for defending the country’s most influential promulgator of anti-Semitic ideas, and for using anti-Semitic tropes in doing so.

 

In Jerusalem, Hazony’s message was the same: The problem with anti-Semitism on the American right lies not with the anti-Semites but with those—President Donald Trump excepted—who call it out. “On January 11, President Trump took the clearest possible stand against anti-Semitism in his political coalition,” Hazony declared. “Asked if he condemns anti-Semitism on the right, he said, ‘certainly,’ and then he added: ‘I think we don’t need them. I think we don’t like them.’”

 

Trump’s clarion call against anti-Jewish bigotry—which ranks among his denunciations of David Duke (“I don’t know anything about David Duke”) and the Proud Boys (“stand back and stand by”) in its moral clarity—was undermined by his decision to host Carlson in the Oval Office just five days later. Acknowledging the gulf between Trump’s supposedly strong words and his actions, Hazony assessed the effort to convince people that Carlson is beyond the pale. “Judging by President Trump and Secretary Rubio’s photo op with Tucker at the White House two weeks ago, I’d say it’s been a total failure,” Hazony concluded. “How do we explain this defeat?”

 

According to Hazony, the fault lies with the “Jews and Christian Zionists” who have called out Carlson for being “one of the leading promoters of anti-Semitic propaganda in our time.” Blithely avoiding the substance of that accusation, which Carlson had himself confirmed months earlier at Charlie Kirk’s memorial service, where he insinuated before an audience of millions that the Jews killed the conservative youth activist just as they had Jesus Christ, Hazony demanded evidence. “Where is the 15-minute explainer video that I can show my friends on the political right which proves that this very serious accusation against Tucker is true?” he asked not so much as ordered. “A 15-minute explainer video” and “serious research” into Carlson’s voluminous record of anti-Semitic vitriol “don’t exist because, for some reason, there are no Jews or Zionist Christians who think it’s their job to produce such things.” The failure to supply information to Hazony’s liking testified to “an extremely high level of incompetence by the entire anti-Semitism-industrial complex.”1

 

Hazony sharpened his argument with a breakdown of the Republican Party’s three “wings.” The “liberal wing,” which Hazony estimates as representing 25 percent of the GOP electorate, is led by Senator Lindsay Graham, Senator Ted Cruz, and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. The “nationalist” wing, where Hazony counts himself and “the great majority” of the GOP,” includes Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and Rubio. Finally, there is the “alt-right,” where Carlson and Candace Owens lurk among 10 percent of Republican voters. According to Hazony, the fight over the future of the conservative movement is taking place within the nationalist wing, where the “liberals” are creating more enemies than friends by “misbehaving” in their attacks on people who Hazony acknowledges are bigots.

 

A stickler for taxonomies, Hazony had offered a preview of this argument on December 29 with a 14-point Twitter memo titled “How to wreck the Trump coalition so it never recovers.” In Hazony’s telling, “High-Strung Liberal Zionists” (a category that appears to include everyone from Ben Shapiro to the editors of this magazine to the editorial boards of National Review and the Wall Street Journal) are at war with “Wacko Anti-Semites.” In their zeal to defeat the “Wacko Anti-Semites,” the “High-Strung Liberal Zionists” are firing too wildly and hitting “normie nationalists and realists,” who in return “will become hurt and angry and start lashing out blindly and absolutely loathing everyone they believe to be a High-Strung Liberal Zionist or someone giving cover to a High-Strung Liberal Zionist.” The winners of this intramural fight will be “the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Commie Left, and the Chinese, and the Qataris, and the Iranians, and the Mexican cartels” who will “just laugh and laugh and laugh as they watch America, which could have been great again, sink like a stone.”

 

The thrust of Hazony’s argument is that combatting anti-Semitism is as alienating or more alienating to voters than anti-Semitism itself. This reasoning is both morally and tactically wrong. Polls continue to show that a large majority of conservatives support Israel and oppose anti-Semitism. And yet Hazony believes that the 25 percent of the party that is exercised about anti-Semitism should avoid hurting the feelings of the 10 percent who are anti-Semites. Tucker Carlson, Hazony said, is “a very smart, passionate, and very likeable man when you meet him in person.” At the first NatCon conference in Washington, D.C., “he gave one of the best speeches we have ever hosted.” Moreover, “Tucker has been saying—as clear as the day—that he is not an anti-Semite.” Acting like the tough Israeli sabra, Hazony is the cowering Jew of the shtetl, furious at his fellow Jews for provoking anti-Semites.

 

Hazony’s analysis of American politics and history—epitomized in his laughable claim that Lindsay Graham, Ted Cruz, and Mike Pompeo are the ideological heirs of Nelson Rockefeller and John Lindsay—is as apt as his prognostication skills. In a November interview with Ross Douthat of the New York Times, Hazony said that he was “hoping” Vice President Vance will have “the skill of determining what the boundaries of the coalition are.” The following month, Vance decried “endless, self-defeating purity tests” and righteously affirmed that he would not “bring a list of conservatives to denounce or to deplatform.” Hazony also told Douthat, “I assume that Heritage is going to solve the problem [of anti-Semitism]. I know a little bit about what steps they’re taking, and I think it’s very, very likely that Heritage is going to get on an appropriate and excellent path.” As of this writing, more than 60 senior Heritage staff have left the think tank since Roberts avowed the institution’s unflinching loyalty to Carlson.

 

While Hazony feigns at playing a moderating force within the movement, what he’s really doing is covering his own tracks, desperately attempting to retain his influence by whitewashing the egregious behavior of his allies and the logical outcomes of his own philosophy. Through his books (The Virtue of Nationalism and Conservatism: A Rediscovery) and conferences, Hazony has been a principal figure in the drive to undermine universalist Enlightenment values as the basis of the American founding. According to Hazony, those who believe such hogwash are “imperialists” who support “the ideal of an international government or regime that imposes its will on subject nations when its officials regard this as necessary.” Proper nationalists, by contrast, believe that “nations should be free to set their own course in the absence of such an international government or regime.” Into the former category Hazony places the Third Reich, the European Union, and the late Charles Krauthammer.

 

Furthermore, American conservatives have got their history all wrong, a failure for which they must “repent.” The real intellectual fathers of the American Revolution are not John Locke and Thomas Jefferson, whose classical liberalism Hazony conflates with the antinomianism of the 1960s, but rather the 15th-century English jurist John Fortescue and the 17th-century John Selden, whose writings he uses to endorse the concept of America having a state-backed religion (Christianity). If this fake history sounds like a right-wing version of the 1619 Project, that’s because it is.

 

The rise in anti-Semitism on the right is attributable to a handful of individuals whom Hazony is too cowardly and embarrassed to condemn. Like a vengeful alcoholic at an intervention, he is lashing out and blaming everyone but himself for the wreckage he helped create—the mirror-image of the left-wing Jew who makes excuses for his anti-Semitic comrades. Imagining himself a world-class intellectual, he is, for lack of a better term, a moron. How else could he have thought that forging alliances with European-style blood-and-soil nationalists would be good for the Jews, or America?

 

Hazony sees himself as a scholar-statesman on the level of a Jabotinsky or Ben-Gurion when he’s really an arriviste. In a reprehensible attempt to protect his access to power, Hazony is willing to gainsay his American co-religionists, who know better than him the threats they face. Watching Hazony’s Jerusalem speech reminded me of no one so much as Rabbi Lionel Bengelsdorf from Philip Roth’s novel The Plot Against America, in which Charles Lindbergh defeats Franklin Roosevelt in the 1940 presidential election and keeps the country out of World War II. The oleaginous Bengelsdorf, who supported Lindbergh, becomes the new president’s court Jew. “I have encountered considerable hostility from members of the Jewish community for allying myself in the 1940 election with the Lindbergh campaign,” Bengelsdorf tells a Jewish family, one of whose sons lost a leg fighting with the Canadian army against the Nazis. “I am pleased to tell you that it took no more than two or three sessions alone with the president to get him to relinquish his misconceptions and to appreciate the manifold nature of Jewish life in America.”

 

Alas, not even Bengelsdorf’s obsequiousness can outweigh the fact of his Jewishness, and the FBI arrests him for being “among the ringleaders of the Jewish conspiratorial plot against America.” At the end of the book, Bengelsdorf is released and writes a face-saving memoir in which he admits the error of his ways. At this point in his intellectual career, a mea culpa is the least Yoram Hazony can do.

 


 

1 There was one small problem with Hazony’s complaint. It turns out there is such a 15-minute video documenting Carlson’s anti-Semitic obsession (a 14-minute and 57-second video, to be precise), which Hazony himself had commissioned and subsequently suppressed. “I am flabbergasted that Yoram would say that no such video exists, because he produced one,” the former director of communications of Hazony’s Edmund Burke Foundation, who had gathered materials for the video, wrote in Tablet. “He just didn’t have the courage to put his name or his organization’s name on it or to make it public.”

 

 

 

 

The Return of a Familiar Apocalypse

By Abe Greenwald

Thursday, February 12, 2026

 

Donald Trump has just announced that the Environmental Protection Agency has repealed the 2009 finding that greenhouse gases are a threat to public health. The so-called endangerment finding had given the EPA the ability to regulate emissions of carbon dioxide and methane—two gases that are naturally present in the atmosphere—as if they were pollutants.

 

I’m very excited about this reversal. No, not because it’s a great deregulation achievement and a step in the direction of sanity. I’m just happy that the media will be moving off the hysteria over AI Armageddon and on to an old, familiar end-of-the-world panic for a few weeks. The AI dystopia stories packed a punch and had me genuinely unnerved. A little climate change catastrophizing will provide some temporary comic relief.

 

The fun has already begun. The New York Times, for example, reports that the Environmental Defense Fund said that repealing the finding “could lead to as many as 58,000 premature deaths and an increase of 37 million asthma attacks between now and 2055.”

 

I’m not laughing at death and asthma. What’s funny is that climate change has yet to be listed as “cause of death” on anyone’s death certificate or autopsy. People certainly get sick and die because of extreme weather conditions. But that’s been happening since the dawn of man, and it happens a whole lot less in the postindustrial age than it did centuries ago. Let’s say, for the moment, that climate change is real. You’ve still got a lot of work ahead of you if you want to prove that it’s killed anyone.

 

And what’s funny is the idea that someone thinks he can predict the number of asthma attacks and deaths 20 years into the future, whatever the cause. Seems to me that a sudden breakthrough in asthma treatment—maybe even a cure—would undo such projections. Again, supposing that climate change is real—an infinite number of factors are bound to affect the death toll in the next two decades: scientific advances, technological innovations, migration patterns, pandemics, wars, birthrates, anomalous weather patterns, and so on. And let’s add to that list future emissions from China—the largest polluter on the planet. The fate of mankind doesn’t hang solely on the status of the EPA’s ability to regulate.

 

Ultimately, what’s funny is that the science of modeling climate change has yet to prove that the phenomenon exists as claimed or is a threat to humanity. And a published record of predicted climate catastrophes that never came to pass would run longer than the Epstein files.

 

Barack Obama famously said that climate science was settled. In truth, the science fluctuates in perfect tandem with the weather itself. Two years ago, the Times published an article under the headline “Weirdly Warm Winter Has Climate Fingerprints All Over It, Study Says.” A month ago, the paper ran an article about this year’s dramatically cold winter. It’s headline: “What’s Up With This Big Freeze? Some Scientists See Climate Change Link.” Because that’s all they ever see, regardless of the actual climate.

 

So, I’ll enjoy the latest round of climate mania for as long as it lasts. Compared to stewing in AI doom, this feels like coming back home. 

A Search for the Answer to Antisemitism At Bondi Beach

By Ari David Blaff

Sunday, February 15, 2026

 

SYDNEY—My rabbi in Toronto loves telling stories of “Yankel” during his sermons. Yankel is his favorite imaginary character, a more observant version of TV actor and writer Larry David, I picture. It’s usually through some light-hearted story about Yankel’s life that brings my rabbi into a discussion of ethics and the Jewish people today.

 

Ten days after last year’s terrorist attack on Bondi Beach in Australia, I stumbled across a flesh-and-blood Yankel on the Sydney boardwalk. Much like the mythical character, Rabbi Yankel Koncepolski is funny and warm, and he looks like the character my rabbi conjures up in my head: white wispy beard, balding crown, simple black suit and white shirt who finds himself at a great crossroads.

 

When we spoke, Koncepolski was sitting beneath a portable gazebo in a camping chair just feet away from where two alleged Islamic State shooters targeted Jews celebrating Hanukkah on December 14, killing 15 people.

 

It was a hot day. A cool ocean breeze crawled up the hill, around a massive pavilion, and passed quietly through the gazebo. In front of him sat a plastic folding table strewn with tefillin, kippahs, and prayer books. On either side of the structure were pictures of two rabbis murdered on December 14—Eli Schlanger and Yaakov Levitan—alongside their families.

 

One question that preoccupied Koncepolski following the Bondi attack is one that many Jews–in Australia, America, Canada and across Europe–are increasingly asking since October 7, 2023: What is the future of the Jewish diaspora?

 

“The antidote to antisemitism is semitism: being more Jewish,” Koncepolski said, attributing the quote to Rabbi Levi Wolff, the leader of Central Synagogue near Bondi Beach. “There was this tremendous arousal from people (who) all of a sudden started identifying much more, and feeling that theyve got to start doing something about that, he continued.

 

***

 

It might seem strange to embrace one’s Jewishness weeks after the deadliest attack in the history of the Australian Jewish community, but the sentiment resonates with many. That’s been a mission of Chavi Block-Israel, a Melbourne-born Jew and Sydney transplant, since October 7. As some have camouflaged their Judaism–removing mezuzahs from doorsteps or taking off jewelry–Block-Israel remains committed to promoting a visibly, and unashamedly, Jewish lifestyle.

 

“Basically, I’m all into being a proud loud Jew, unapologetic for who we are and what we stand for,” she said. Following Hamas’ invasion of Israel more than two years ago, she created an organization, The Empowered Jew, that runs workshops and lectures helping participants “respond to antisemitism,” among other topics.

 

Her commitment hasn’t faltered since she and her 7-month-old son survived the Bondi terror attack. In January, Block-Israel changed her WhatsApp profile picture to a sticker of the late Rabbi Schlanger emblazoned: “Be, act and appear more Jewish.”

 

“I love that sticker cause it’s everything that I believe in,” she said. “I believe that what our enemies want is, they want us to retreat. And when we show that we are who we are, then we are actually signalling that we’re here to stay.”

 

“I can’t even believe I am writing this. I am in shock, in disbelief. I want to vomit,” she wrote in her own remembrance immediately after the shooting. “I am bewildered, confused. I leave everything and shove down to the ground, my brain thinking, No, no, this can’t be happening. I am in Australia. People don’t have guns. This can’t be happening. I am shoving my body over my baby. All I want to do is protect my baby. I start saying Tehillim,” she continued, referring to prayers known in English as psalms.

 

“My baby is hot and sweaty and crying, earth and mud going into his teeny little eyes. His face is bright red. He is sweating. He is screaming,” she continued. Block-Israel and a friend covered themselves with a nearby crate, sheltering in place. “My brain is half frozen, half speeding. Just protect my baby, just protect my baby, please, I keep thinking. If the bullet will come, at least it will come onto me.”

 

Police officers shot the father-son terror squad at Bondi, killing the elder and injuring, then arresting, the younger. When the shooting stopped,  Block-Israel and her friend ran to the beach, collecting kids separated from their parents in the chaos. One woman, grazed by a bullet, had blood streaked across her back. People gathered on the sand. One offered them water. Onlookers, “some dudes,” she recalled, were “chilling as if nothing has happened.” Folks were crying.

 

“This is what happens to Jews,” she told them.

 

***

 

Koncepolski’s booth looks out across the bloody triangle of grass and trees where Block-Israel and her newborn son narrowly escaped with their lives. It has become a pilgrimage site for Jews struggling to make sense of the tragedy. While I was visiting, many stopped to pass along their regards to Koncepolski and share in the collective grieving. It was a rare place since October 7, 2023: an informally designated safe space to be visibly Jewish.

 

One twentysomething Jewish woman on holiday from the United Kingdom said she felt relieved to be around other Jews. She vowed to pick up a necklace at a nearby Judaica store. Young men stopped and spoke with Koncepolski, wrapping tefillin while silently whispering the Shema, a daily prayer many know by heart. A group of young American Jews pulled up on the side of the road and did a quick prayer before driving to the airport.

 

Many in the Jewish community here have faulted Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese for turning a blind eye to antisemitism as it has festered across the country. Last year, the Executive Council of Australian Jewry recorded a spike in antisemitic incidents “almost five times the average annual number” prior to October 7.

 

Gentiles came out of sympathy and curiosity, too. Bondi’s not only the heart of Sydney’s Jewish community but also a national symbol, a sacred surf site and home to a reality television show about the beach’s legendary lifeguards. Koncepolski saw many milling on the now-infamous bridge, a vantage point from which one of the perpetrators stood atop and aimed his rifle at Jews of all ages.

 

Of the older non-Jewish people that I met there, it was clearly an overwhelming disgust with the prime minister for the whole thing and the blame was right on his head, Koncepolski said of people he met on the Bondi bridge. It was clear to me, to nearly everybody, that the atmosphere that [Albanese] had created since the seventh of October was one which emboldened the Muslim militants to feel they could do whatever they wanted. And thats what they believe created this result.

 

Among the worst episodes of pre-Bondi antisemitism have been hundreds of pro-Palestinian demonstrators flocking to the Sydney Opera House days after October 7 chanting, “Where’s the Jews?” and “F— the Jews” while burning Israeli flags; a kosher deli in Bondi being set aflame; a Melbourne synagogue built by Holocaust survivors being torched; and two Australian nurses boasting they would not care for Israeli or Jewish patients.

 

When Albanese attended a memorial service at Bondi in December, he was widely booed. Some attendees confided privately that while they understood the antipathy Albanese inspired, the display reflected poorly on the community and was unbefitting of the office he represented. In early January, Albanese relented, following weeks of pressure from Australian Jews, and appointed a royal commission to undertake a detailed study of the drivers of antisemitism in the country.

 

But many Australian Jews believe the country’s political and security leaders are wholly unprepared for the challenge. David Cohen, the chief executive of a risk management firm that works with  law enforcement agencies and critical infrastructure crews on identifying threats, immigrated with his family from South Africa four years ago. He thought it was only a matter of time before an antisemitic attack happened.

 

Ive always maintained that, particularly knowing what I know in the industry in which I work and seeing the vulnerabilities, that an attack was imminent, he told me.

 

Cohen and his family stumbled upon the Hanukkah event on December 14 at Bondi by chance, and Cohen was troubled as soon as he entered the space. Security was lax, he remembered. Asked why he was attending during a screening check before entering, he gave intentionally vague answers but received no pushback. It was “a massive red flag for me,” he said.

 

Then shots rang out, and he saw someone shot in the head. His family ran to their car for shelter and eventually made it home safely. Photos taken shortly before the attack show his son in a blue shirt and white-and-red baseball cap popping water bubbles beside a 10-year-old girl in a yellow dress and blue facepaint. Matilda, as she is now known across Australia, was the youngest fatality.

 

Cohen isn’t optimistic law enforcement at either the state or federal level is prepared. He spoke of Bondi as “the natural next step” in a chain of events since October 7.

 

I believe that the infrastructure in Australia is very, very lax, he said. Theres an Australian saying: She’ll be all right, mate. Don’t worry about it; it’ll be fine; it’ll be okay,” he said. “  We dont have tactical experience. We dont have tactical knowledge.

 

He’s cautiously encouraged by the government considering the prospect of banning the chant, “Globalize the Intifada,” empowering local authorities to crack down on so-called “hate preachers,” and pledging to curtail public protests for “a summer of calm.”

 

David Cohen’s son, in the blue shirt, plays at Bondi Beach on December 14, 2025, just before the attack began. Next to him is Matilda, the youngest victim of the attack. (Contributed photo)

David Cohen's son, in the blue shirt, plays at Bondi Beach on December 14, 2025, just before the attack began. Next to him is Matilda, the youngest victim of the attack. (Contributed photo)


 ***

 

Australians remain divided over how to define antisemitism, how to protect Australian Jews, and how to make meaningful change. That includes whether banning speech would undercut the ability of pro-Palestinian demonstrators to organize, which risks conflating legitimate protests with violence.

 

These debates exploded in January when Palestinian Australian author Randa Abdel-Fattah was disinvited from Adelaide Writers’ Week, one of the most prestigious literary events in the country. The festival board noted “her past statements”—without specifying which comments were deemed controversial—and cited the need to be “culturally sensitive” following Bondi.

 

Pushback was immediate. More than 150 participants pledged to boycott the event. Writers who did not support Abdel-Fattah have been harassed, and the controversy triggered the resignation of festival director Louise Adler, a notable anti-Zionist Australian Jew.

 

So what did she say?

 

In March 2024, she proclaimed, “If you are a Zionist, you have no claim or right to cultural safety” and vowed to make “every space Zionists enter is culturally unsafe.” The previous month, Abdel-Fattah shared a link doxxing hundreds of Australian Jewish creatives. (Neither Abdel-Fattah nor Adler responded to multiple requests for comment.)

 

***

 

Although life for Australian Jews has been anything but calm since Bondi, my week in Sydney was restorative, a moment to reconnect with Judaism after months away from a Shabbat table or a synagogue. 

 

Bondi made me more Jewish, more proud to stand beside my people. I bought a Chai necklace, a Hebrew word denoting life, at a nearby Judaica store before leaving Sydney. Its lettering is etched with the pattern of the limestone blocks that make up the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Running my fingers across its silvery bumps reminds me how small the Jewish world is. An extended family whose strangers are, at most, 2 degrees separated.

 

As all rabbis are seemingly commanded to do, Koncepolski asked what my wife and I were doing for Shabbat. We had no plans, and he promptly invited us to join him at Rabbi Wolff’s congregation at Central Synagogue. We exchanged phone numbers and agreed to meet shortly before services and walk over together.

 

But Koncepolski is a Where’s Waldo? kind of figure. He can be picked up by the winds and you might not know where you’ll meet him again. We knocked on his door at the designated time, but no one answered. Fortunately, it was just down the street from the synagogue, and we walked up hoping to meet him there. A female congregant dressed as a security guard met us in the front and rattled off a series of security questions.

 

What type of Jewish stuff do you do in your life? What congregation do you belong to? What is the reason for your visit?

 

The shul was beautiful, rebuilt following an electrical fire in the 1990s. It was modern and glassy, unlike any Orthodox synagogue I’d seen. Our timing was good: We ran into Koncepolski just through the main doors.

 

The congregation had a large South African contingent, and we met members of the all-male choir, an unusual sight in observant North American shuls. I wrapped tefillin before services and met the tenor who had just finished. He asked what our plans were for New Year’s and, once more, we said we had none. Again, we exchanged contact information and received an invitation. My wife and I parted ways before the service. She walked up to the airy balcony with the women, while I stayed on the ground and joined the men.

 

It was hard to follow the service: The tunes and page numbers were different than the ones I know. My mind wandered around the prayer hall. A large glass window notched out of the ceiling let natural light seep in. Drifting clouds, just blocks away from the ocean, passed overhead. I scanned the crowd, looking at congregants’ faces, wondering what Bondi meant to them and what future they saw for themselves. I spotted my wife tearing up in the balcony as the choir sang with the guidance of a white-haired conductor.

 

Rabbi Wolff graciously invited us back to his place for dinner, and we walked over with Koncepolski. It was a small gathering, the day after Christmas, when schools and work were closed and many were on vacation. Yet, it felt like a Shabbat at home. We went around the table, in what seems to be a universal Jewish custom, and spoke of our weekly inspiration. We talked about life since Bondi, community healing, the rabbi and rebbetzin meeting with victims’ families, funerals, and how antisemitism in Canada compares.

 

The tenor lived around the corner from the shul in an apartment with an unobstructed view of the harbor. We arrived two hours before the fireworks with a bottle of cheap champagne and were swept up in a whirlwind of life and kids and South Africans. Young girls were gossiping in the daughter’s bedroom. Mean Girls was playing in the background; the teenagers across the hall barely bothered to look up when we were introduced.

 

We grabbed a seat on the balcony where the fathers were drinking and talking life. The whiff of the earlier braai, a traditional South African barbecue and hangout,  still clung in the air. Wives tried selling off a mountain of leftovers, which the host’s fridge couldn’t accommodate. Ahead of the massive New Year’s celebrations, a minute of silence was held for the victims of Bondi. A blue and white image of a menorah was projected onto the city’s bridge. We strained to see the commemoration but saw nothing from our view. Kids came running in, crying and breaking up conversations.

 

Many were survivors of the Bondi attack. Cohen was there with his family. Another father, Wayne Miller, an expert in making piña coladas, carried his small daughter, rocking her in his white linen shirt. He showed us a scar on the top of her hand where a bullet had grazed her. We counted down from 10 as midnight approached. It was a magical week. We bumped into congregants around the neighbourhood, shared shavua tov wishes and considered moving our lives here. My people, on the other side of the globe. Only a Jew, I thought, could meet a stranger on a beach and know with certainty, absolute certainty, that a place at a Shabbat table would be found.

 

 

The Hypocrisy Olympics

By Abe Greenwald

Friday, February 13, 2026

 

Yes, there was a sex ring. The multimillionaire at the heart of it traveled with a harem of women and used them for his own sexual needs. But he regularly pimped them out to high-profile men as well. He assigned each woman a number so that the john, after viewing what was on offer, would just have to tell him which number he wanted. When the pimp had used up a particular woman, he’d discard her and replace her with a new one. It was really as vile as all that, and it’s absolutely true. The guy bragged about it.

 

Jeffrey Epstein?

 

Heck, no. I’m talking the man who’s currently being celebrated for his role as honorary coach of Team USA at the Winter Olympics: Snoop Dogg, America’s most beloved thug.

 

“I put an organization together,” Snoop told Rolling Stone in 2013. “I did a Playboy tour, and I had a bus follow me with ten bitches on it. I could fire a bitch, f**k a bitch, get a new ho: It was my program. City to city, t**ty to t**ty, hotel room to hotel room, athlete to athlete, entertainer to entertainer…. A lot of athletes bought p**sy from me.” 

 

Well, at least he sounded conscience-stricken about it.

 

And there’s this. Snoop went on his pimp tour in 2003, when he had already been a rich and wildly successful recording artist for a decade. Which is perhaps why he was more generous than most pimps. “I’d act like I’d take the money from the bitch,” he said, “but I’d let her have it.” 

 

What a guy, huh.

 

I previously wrote about Snoop in the context of anti-Semitism. Namely, about how the liberal establishment took a career-long defender of Louis Farrakhan and elevated him to the heights of cultural acceptability. 

 

Why am I writing about him now? Because while Americans have worked themselves into a moral fit and launched a witch hunt for anyone whose name is mentioned glancingly in the Epstein files, they’re also delighted to their core that, as one CNN headline has it, “Coach Snoop is having a blast at the Olympics.” This is about moral hypocrisy. 

 

Unlike Snoop, Jeffrey Epstein—at least from what the files have revealed—didn’t run a sex ring. He was a disgusting man who trafficked in women and underage females to satisfy his own perversions. And the country remains out for blood, as if we must run down everyone who ever crossed his path and exact punishment in order to avenge the crimes of the global elite and cleanse the system. 

 

Look, a lot of powerful people maintained relationships with a known child sex predator. That’s shocking, shameful, and gross. And it should inform your opinion of such figures. But if you want to get to the heart of how people can dismiss or ignore the vile transgressions of the rich and famous, take a look at the Americans of all walks of life who are embracing our ex-pimp cultural ambassador in Milano Cortina. A little consideration of the public’s hypocrisy here might serve to dial down the hysteria. And if you’re cheering Snoop while gunning for Epstein’s correspondents, mind the pitchfork as you applaud. 

Sunday, February 15, 2026

We Jews Have the Honor of Being Hated

By Bret Stephens

Sunday, February 15, 2026

 

After Édouard Manet caused a firestorm in the late 1860s with his politically provocative paintings The Execution of Maximilian, he got a consoling note from his friend, the poet and critic Charles Baudelaire. “Monsieur,” Baudelaire wrote, “it seems you have the honor of inspiring hatred.”

 

And that, in a sentence, is also the state of world Jewry in 2026. The Jewish people—Israeli Jews and Diaspora Jews; observant Jews and secular ones; right-wing Jews and left; all of us together; all of us, ultimately, in the same boat, whether we like each other or not—have the honor of being hated.

 

We should take it as a compliment, just as Baudelaire intended it.

 

We have the honor of being hated by the people who say “Zio” when what they mean to say is “Jew.” We have the honor of being hated by the campus lemmings chanting anti-Semitic slogans whose meaning most of them aren’t bright enough to understand—though some of them understand it perfectly well. We have the honor of being hated by Ali Khamenei, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and other despots whose loathing of Jews is directly proportionate to their crimes against their own people. We have the honor of being hated by Nick Fuentes, Candace Owens, Alice Walker, Roger Waters, Francesca Albanese, Tucker Carlson—the out-and-out Jew-haters and their sly enablers. We have the honor of being hated by those who think Jesus was a Palestinian. We have the honor of being hated by the so-called feminists who downplayed the rape of Israeli women on and after October 7, and by the so-called progressives who denied it. We have the honor of being hated by virtually every political movement, left or right, that also opposes the idea of personal merit as an organizing social principle. We have the honor of being hated by UN mandarins who would like you to know that the preponderance of human rights violations are committed by one small country: Israel. We have the honor of being hated by “Queers for Palestine,” who have neglected to notice what happens to queers in Palestine. We have the honor of being hated by the Hamas water carriers masquerading as reporters at the BBC and other media. We have the honor of being hated by all the Hollywood celebrities who see nothing amiss with demanding boycotts of Israeli artistic institutions but not of, say, Chinese ones. We have the honor of being hated by our charming new mayor, who thinks that he can endorse the erasure of one state and one state only, the Jewish state, and still acquit himself of the charge of anti-Semitism. We have the honor of being hated by people who parade their so-called Jewishness only when it serves as a tool to defame and endanger half the Jewish people—as if they’ll be spared the furies should, God forbid, Israel someday fall.

 

In short, we have the honor of being hated by an axis of the perfidious, the despotic, the hypocritical, the cynical, the deranged, and the incurably stupid. What shall we do with all this hatred—other than to take it as a badge of honor and turn it to our advantage?

 

***

 

I don’t want to sound flip about this or put on airs of false bravery. This is a scary time to be a Jew. The “honor of being hated” is also what led to the massacre at Bondi Beach in Sydney, the “Jew hunt” in Amsterdam, the atrocities of October 7, the Tree of Life massacre in Pittsburgh. It is why Israeli writers struggle to find publishers in the United States, and why so many Jewish undergrads and Jewish professors feel ostracized on college campuses.

 

It’s an honor we all yearn to do without. But we can’t. We can’t, because for as long as there have been Jews, there have been Jew-haters. And for as long as there will be Jews there will be Jew-haters. What’s been going on for over 3,000 years is not about to end anytime soon. And with that in mind, I want to make four specific arguments about how to move forward with the knowledge we have gleaned.

 

The first point is that “the fight against anti-Semitism,” which consumes tens of millions of dollars every year in Jewish philanthropy and has become an organizing principle across Jewish organizations, is a well-meaning but mostly wasted effort. We should spend the money and focus our energy elsewhere. The same, I might add, goes for efforts to improve the quality of pro-Israel advocacy, or hasbara.

 

The second point is that while anti-Semitism may be history’s most demented hatred, it’s also the world’s most unwitting compliment. And here I am going to say something that may be misconstrued but needs to be said: The Jew-haters have a certain point, because Judaism and Jewish values and Jewish habits of mind are indeed subversive of many social orders.

 

The third point is that the proper defense against Jew-hatred is not to prove the haters wrong by outdoing ourselves in feats of altruism, benevolence, and achievement. It is to lean into our Jewishness as far as each of us can irrespective of what anyone else thinks of it. If the price of being our fullest selves as Jews is to be the perennially unpopular kids, it’s a price well worth paying.

 

Finally, the fourth point is that what Jews need now isn’t allyship or sympathy or a seat at the table of the world’s victimized groups. What we need is the wisdom of the composer Philip Glass: “If there’s no room at the table, build your own table.”

 

So, to my first point: Does anyone think the fight against anti-Semitism is working?

 

I know we all wish it could work. I know we’d like to think that if only we ensured that Holocaust education was part of every public school curriculum; or universalized the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism; or persuaded universities to stop inviting Israel-hating speakers; or got the news media to deliver fairer coverage of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict; or alighted on history’s most brilliant PR strategy for Israel; or switched prime ministers to nearly anyone other than Bibi—that if we did all this and more, we could turn the tide that’s been running so heavily against us in recent years. I also know that, now and then, we do achieve some victories, particularly when it comes to getting university administrators to crack down on the most overt expressions of anti-Semitic speech.

 

But here’s what I also know: that Tucker Carlson’s popularity and influence as a podcaster have only soared as his bigotry has become more blatant. That journalistic disgraces such as the fake report about the 500 dead Palestinians at the Al-Ahli Hospital in Gaza did nothing to prevent subsequent fake or grossly sensationalized reporting about the war that perpetuated anti-Semitic stereotypes. That the governor of Pennsylvania was asked if he’d ever been a “double agent” for Israel while he was being vetted for his party’s vice-presidential nomination. That the vice president of the United States dismissed the idea that anti-Semitism was widespread and rising and instead pointed the finger at “people”—by which, of course, he meant Jews— “who want to avoid having a foreign-policy conversation about America’s relationship with Israel.” That, in New York State, with its abundance of Jewish cultural institutions open to the public, 1 in 5 Millennials and Gen-Zs believe the Jews caused the Holocaust.

 

All this is happening at a moment when the Jewish community has never been more alarmed, more engaged, more resourced, more eager, more courageous, and more willing to “do something.” So what is it that those of us who are in this fight against anti-Semitism are missing?

 

The mistake we make is this: We think that anti-Semitism stems, fundamentally, from missing or inaccurate information. We think that if people only had greater knowledge of the history of Jewish persecution, a fuller grasp of the real facts of the Israeli–Arab conflict, a finer understanding of all the ways anti-Semitism manifests itself, a deeper appreciation of the Jewish contribution to America’s success and to human flourishing, that the hatred of us might dissipate or never start in the first place.

 

But that thesis is wrong. Jew-hatred is not the result of a defect in education: From Martin Luther to T.S. Eliot to Sally Rooney, the world has never suffered a shortage of educated anti-Semites. Jew-hatred is the product of a psychological reflex—and that kind of reflex can never be educated out of existence even if, for a time, it may be sublimated into quiescence. Anti-Semitism, in other words, isn’t just a prejudice or a belief. It’s a neurosis.

 

This brings me to the second point we must examine, not least because so many of the usual answers are so superficial: What is it about Jews that has, over the centuries, aroused so much venom and violence?

 

Are Jews hated because of Israel’s alleged misdeeds? That’s a common view these days, but it fails to explain the thousands of years of anti-Semitism that preceded the creation of Israel, or account for why hatred of Israel mimics classic anti-Semitic tropes of insatiable Jewish bloodlust and secret manipulation of global affairs.

 

Are Jews hated because we represent the eternal “other”? This, too, is often said, and of course there’s some truth to it. But there are many “others” in every human society, yet none that are so persistently subjected to such lurid conspiracy theories, such murderous designs, such blatant double standards: Why has nobody written the book called “The Protocols of the Elders of the Amish” or “The International Quaker”?

 

Are Jews hated because we refused to accept Christ as Messiah or Mohammed as Prophet? Yes, sort of—but again, how do we account for the centuries of Jew-hatred before the births of Christ or Muhammad, or for the persecution of Jews whose families converted to Christianity?

 

All these explanations fail for the same reason that our attempts to educate people out of their anti-Semitism fail: They do not account for the psychological basis of anti-Semitism. That basis has a name: resentment, marinated in the emotion of envy.

 

Resentment of what, exactly? Of just this: The Jewish people are a countercultural nation. To make matters worse, our countercultural convictions have helped us flourish nearly everywhere we have put down roots.

 

What are some of those convictions? We believe there is one God—not many, not none—and therefore a common moral universe with a common moral code that applies to all people, everywhere. We believe that human beings are made in the image of God, and therefore that human life is inherently precious, and that the lowest among us is equal in basic dignity to the highest. We believe in freedom and the quest for freedom, and therefore we pose a fundamental challenge to every tyrant who would deny that freedom. We believe that the Messiah has not come, and therefore we are not beguiled by any self-declared redeemer. We believe in the word and in the text, and therefore in literacy as a foundation for faith, not a threat to it. We believe that questions are of equal if not greater importance than answers, and therefore that curiosity, second-guessing, and the quest for knowledge are social goods. We believe in “argument for the sake of heaven,” and therefore in disagreement that isn’t impudence and heterodoxy that isn’t heresy.

 

Above all, we believe in the word “no.” No to sun gods and graven images and child sacrifice. No to Pharaoh and Caesar, the Inquisition and the Reformation, the Czar and the Commissar. No to emancipation from our peoplehood by the French Revolution or to the erasure of our faith by the Russian Revolution or to the destruction of our statehood through the siren song of bi-nationalism. No to the dethronement of God by reason, or of moral judgment by moral relativism. No to the seductive offer of eternal salvation at the cost of our covenant with God.

 

I don’t mean to suggest by any of this that Jews are incapable of making our peace with our political and cultural surroundings. Obviously we can, we have, and we do. But our yesses to our surroundings have always been predicated on our noes, and what we affirm also requires that we maintain the courage to reject. It is this courage that is the central source of our inner strength as people and our endurance as a people. We must never let go of it.

 

But “no” is also an infuriating word, however gently and quietly it may be uttered. And that makes it a dangerous word. Ask anyone who has been turned down by a college, an employer, a love interest: The normal reaction to rejection is rage. That rage only grows when it is suffused by the sense that, as with Cain in Genesis, one’s offering was not good enough; that it was rejected from a place of judgment and therefore a position of superiority. That is a basis for toxic rage. Conversely, the reason “people love dead Jews,” to borrow Dara Horn’s memorable phrase, is that it replaces that gnawing sense of inferiority with the pleasure of feeling pity.

 

***

 

It should go without saying that there is nothing Jews can do to cure the Jew-haters of their hate—they can hire their own psychiatrists. And there is nothing that we should want to do, either. Which brings me to my third point: If it’s impossible to cure an anti-Semite, it’s almost impossible to cure Jews of the delusion that we can.

 

You’re familiar with the sound of this delusion—you’ve probably heard it from your uncle. It goes something like this: “Don’t they notice the names on the hospital wings and the new campus centers? Aren’t they impressed by all the Jewish Nobelists in medicine and physics and chemistry? What about the fact that Israel is the only real democracy in the Middle East, the only place you’d want to be if you’re gay, the only place where brains are more valuable than oil? And wasn’t it a Jewish doctor who cured polio?”

 

All true, of course, and it’s a wonderful thing that there are so many creative Jewish minds and generous Jewish donors. It’s wonderful, too, that Israel remains a beacon of democratic courage and social creativity in the face of its adversaries. But this earns us no favors with the haters. They do not hate us because of our faults and failures; they hate us because of our virtues and successes. The more virtuous or successful we are, the more we’ll be hated by those whose animating emotions are resentment and envy.

 

And yet, as a Jewish community, we rarely seem to draw the obvious conclusion: Constantly seeking to prove ourselves worthy in order to win the world’s love is a fool’s errand. In the 1990s, Israel repeatedly took “risks for peace” for the sake of trying to end the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. It culminated in the second intifada and the rise of the BDS movement. There isn’t a social justice movement in America in which Jews haven’t played a founding or leading role. Yet virtually every one of those movements is shot through with anti-Semitism.

 

This always seems to come as a shock to us, perhaps never more so than after October 7, when we witnessed just how little compassion there was for Jewish anguish, most of all from the very people to whom we have given so much. We need to stop being surprised. We need to stop being wounded. We need to stop being aggrieved and indignant.

 

I’d go further: We need to take this as an opportunity to stop caring. The goal of Jewish life is not to ingratiate ourselves with others so that they might dislike us somewhat less or love us somewhat more. The goal of Jewish life is Jewish thriving. And by “Jewish thriving,” I don’t mean thriving Jews, individually speaking. I mean a community in which Jewish learning, Jewish culture, Jewish ritual, Jewish concerns, Jewish aspiration, and Jewish identification are central to every member’s sense of him or herself.

 

How we choose to invest in our Jewishness—whether more religiously or more culturally or more politically or whatever—is up to each of us to decide. But the main point is this: Jewish thriving happens not when there are a lot of rich and successful and well-integrated Jews doing well and feeling safe in their host societies. Jewish thriving happens when being Jewish is not merely an incident of ancestry but rather the centering fact of life, the source from which we derive meaning and purpose, our spiritual compass and moral anchor and emotional safe harbor.

 

By this measure, what Franklin Foer called the “Golden Age of American Jews” was fading long before October 7. It has been fading for decades, starting when American Jews began to treat their Jewishness as the most disposable part of their identity. It was fading when bar and bat mitzvahs became the last Jewish ritual many American Jews observed in their life. It was fading when intermarriage rates crept above 50 percent. It was fading as a growing percentage of American Jews started to feel more embarrassment than pride in Israel.

 

Now, however, we have an opportunity to reverse that trajectory. And, paradoxically, this opportunity has been handed to us by our awareness of our vulnerability, our unpopularity, our being hated. I’m the person who coined the term “October 8th Jews” in a New York Times column. Yet, in hindsight, I got the definition only half right. I said at the time that the October 8th Jew was the Jew who “woke up to discover who our friends are not.” What I should have said was that the October 8th Jew was the one who “woke up trying to remember who he truly is.”

 

And this brings me, finally, to my fourth point: Building our own table.

 

There are three great stories in the history of American Jewry. The name for the first story is called “Arriving”: the story of the first generation who came off the boats and lived in the tenements and never forgot the old country. This is what Irving Howe called “The World of Our Fathers.”

 

The second story is what Norman Podhoretz called “Making It”—the story of American-born Jews who went through schools like Stuyvesant and City College and went into professions like medicine and law; and of their children, who went through Dalton and Yale and became investment bankers and tech entrepreneurs.

 

Then there’s the third story. It’s called “Departing.” Some of those departures have been to Israel: They include people like Jon Polin and Rachel Goldberg-Polin of Chicago, parents of Hersh Goldberg-Polin; or Jim and Myrna Bennett of San Francisco, parents of Naftali Bennett. But there are also internal departures: of Jews who, at some point in their careers, were told they weren’t allowed to sit at the cool kids’ table and so went off and sat at their own—ultimately creating investment banking, Hollywood, private equity, most of today’s biggest law firms, not to mention Bloomberg and Starbucks and Dunkin’ Donuts and 1,000 other iconic American brands.

 

Those individual departures can serve as a model for what the Jewish community, as a whole, must do to achieve the kind of Jewish thriving I spoke of earlier. The infrastructure is already mostly there; the scale isn’t. We have superb day schools. But we need many more of them—at Catholic-school tuition rates—to give every Jewish family in America a chance to give their children an excellent education rooted in Jewish values. We have extraordinary Jewish philanthropies. But they need to become the primary locus of Jewish giving, not the relative afterthought they are to too many major Jewish philanthropists. We have Jewish priorities, but not a coherent funding mechanism: Perhaps, as Jordan Hirsch suggested recently in Sapir, we need the private equivalent of a Jewish Sovereign Wealth Fund. We have a Jewish media that, to be honest, is something of a mixed bag but could, with investment and vision, be put on a path to becoming the most desirable employment destination for the best writers and reporters and editors in America. We have an emerging rabbinate that, frankly, runs the risk of being captured by ideological forces that do not represent the Jewish community—we need to dedicate a great deal of effort to ensuring that more liberal Jewish congregations don’t suffer the same fate as the collapsing Presbyterian Church (USA). We have millions of engaged Jewish readers who are currently being disserved by a publishing industry in which “Zionism” has become a dirty word; let’s rescue publishing, too.

 

In short, we have a lot; we need a lot more. We need it because we are not going back to the America we knew as Jews 50 or 40 or even 10 years ago. We need it because we know what has happened to Jewish communities throughout history, from Cordoba to Cologne to Cairo, that lost their instinct for danger and failed to notice that their zenith was just a step away from their precipice. We need it because too many of our children are walking away from, even turning against, their own Jewish inheritance. We need it because “Departing” is only a synonym for a new beginning, and Jewish vitality has, for millennia, been renewed and strengthened by that cycle of departure and beginning.

 

And we need it because America needs it—because America needs us. America needs us as its witty gadfly and loyal critic and skeptical moral conscience; as the keeper of its tolerant and pluralistic flame; as its no-sayer in moments of overweening certitude and its yes-sayer in moments of crushing self-doubt. America needs us because the hope of the New Jerusalem that our founders sought to create in Plymouth in 1620 and Philadelphia in 1776 and the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in 1963 could never come to pass if it were built on anything but the memory and inspiration of that other Jerusalem, the one that was—and is—ours.

 

All this was understood once and will be understood again. Until then, we will endure the honor of being hated, as we continue to work toward a thriving Jewish future.

The World Still Needs What America Stands For

By Daniel J. Hannan

Thursday, January 22, 2026

 

How is this for a pithy summary of what makes the United States special? “A land, perhaps, the only one in the universe, in which political or civil liberty is the very end and scope of the constitution.”

 

How could you not be stirred by those words? Do they not capture the essence of what sets America apart, a creedal rather than an ethnic nation?

 

As Ronald Reagan put it in his final presidential address, “You can go to live in France, but you cannot become a Frenchman. You can go to live in Germany or Turkey or Japan, but you cannot become a German, a Turk, or a Japanese. But anyone, from any corner of the Earth, can come to live in America and become an American.”

 

Here, then, is something that might surprise you. The words quoted in my first paragraph were not written about America. They come from Sir William Blackstone’s Commentaries on the Laws of England, a four-volume treatise published in the late 1760s, which was reckoned to be the most widely read work in the American colonies after the Bible: every attorney was said to carry a copy in his saddlebag.

 

Blackstone was one of those Englishmen, like John Locke or Tom Paine, whose ideas became vastly more influential in North America than in his native land. His words tell us something about the American Revolution that is often forgotten. Most of its instigators had lived their lives as British patriots. They were defending what they took to be their national birthright. When tour guides at Lexington or Concord talk about “the British” lining up over here and “the Americans” over there, they are using language that no one at the time would have recognized.

 

As the firebrand lawyer James Otis put it in 1764: “Every British Subject born on the continent of America, or in any other of the British Dominions, is by the Law of God and Nature, by the Common Law, and by Act of Parliament entitled to all the Natural, Essential, Inherent and Inseparable Rights of our Fellow Subjects in Great-Britain.”

 

Only the eventual involvement of foreigners — French troops on the revolutionary side, German mercenaries for the Crown, which had struggled to raise soldiers from an English population that sympathized with the colonists — began to create a sense of different nationality. Listen to how the Declaration of Independence frames its grievance against George III: “He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation, and tyranny.” Foreign mercenaries: soldiers, in other words, who were not fellow Brits.

 

The American Revolution was a rejection of British citizenship, not of British values. Indeed, it was a clamorous assertion of all the things that, in the eyes of the Founders, had made them British in the first place: personal autonomy, representative government, religious liberty, habeas corpus, jury trials, the sanctity of contract, the rule of law, and constraints on executive power.

 

As Winston Churchill was to put it in his History of the English-Speaking Peoples: “The Declaration was in the main a restatement of the principles which had animated the Whig struggle against the later Stuarts and the English Revolution of 1688.”

 

American visitors to London are sometimes surprised to find prominent statues of six U.S. presidents, including Abraham Lincoln in Parliament Square and George Washington in Trafalgar Square. Yet, even in 1776, the American cause enjoyed widespread support in Great Britain. The most brilliant parliamentarians of the era, Edmund Burke, Charles James Fox, and Pitt the Elder, all favored the patriots. So, as far as we can make out, did a majority of the population — though, with a more limited franchise than in the colonial assemblies, that majority was not replicated in the House of Commons.

 

Today, British attitudes to the American Revolution range from the indulgent to the envious. This year will see British ministers and officials swarming to the U.S. to mark the anniversary (we have, I am afraid, already inflicted our lamentable deputy prime minister, David Lammy, on you). We jokily go along with the nationalist tone that sometimes creeps into Fourth of July celebrations but, in truth, it leaves us baffled.

 

The Revolution, after all, was spurred on by a QAnon-level conspiracy theory, widespread on both sides of the Atlantic in the 1760s, namely that George III, that dim, dull, dutiful king, was planning to create a medieval-style absolute monarchy. In the event, both successor states developed along similar lines, becoming more liberal, more law-based, and more democratic. This consanguinity of values became the basis of our alliance from the beginning of the 20th century.

 

Our presumed kinship makes us Brits feel that we have a special stake in the future of the U.S., and that we are commensurately entitled to opinions about its politics. Of course, lots of countries recognize that America carries mankind’s loftier ambitions. We don’t look to Albania or Armenia or Algeria to colonize Mars. But Anglosphere nations feel it more strongly, understanding that what happened in the old statehouse in Philadelphia was a distillation, an intensification, of our own identity.

 

Alexis de Tocqueville argued that the national characteristics of various European countries found their fullest and freest expression in the New World. “The American,” he wrote, “is the Englishman left to himself.” That phrase became truer with each passing decade. The U.S. did not suffer the statism that in Britain followed six years of full mobilization after 1939. Nor did it accustom itself to half a century of Brussels-imposed dirigisme.

 

In consequence, it has maintained (as, to a degree, have Canada, Australia, and New Zealand) more authentically British institutions than Britain. Its government is constrained and dispersed; its public culture is attached to free speech, free contract, and free assembly; its unspoken assumptions are individualist.

 

To put it more briefly, the foundational value of the United States is liberty. I feel slightly silly having to write that, as it would recently have gone without saying. But when lots of young American conservatives are disowning the Founders and writing excitedly about Catholic integralism or the jurisprudence of the Nazi lawyer Carl Schmitt, it bears repeating. Listen to the two presidents whose statues have pride of place in London.

 

“Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment,” said George Washington in his Farewell Address. Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg defined the nation as having been “conceived in liberty.”

 

What does liberty mean? It means that the people in power can’t boss others around. It means that politicians are servants and not rulers. It means that private property and free contract are respected, that the coercive force of the state is a last rather than a first resort, and that the people in charge don’t get to make up the rules as they go along. It means, in short, a government of laws and not of men — a phrase attributed to John Adams, although, demonstrating my point about the Founders’ British identity, Adams was quoting the 17th-century English radical James Harrington.

 

How, by these lights, is the U.S. doing at 250? It has become the most powerful, wealthy, and successful country on earth. Fifteen years ago, living standards were comparable to those in Western Europe. Since then, the U.S. has grown two-thirds faster than the EU, largely because it has stuck to the successful formula of low taxes, light regulations, and cheap energy. Even the immigration crisis is a relatively good crisis to have. Trust me, you wouldn’t want to live in a country with an emigration crisis.

 

America’s success is rooted in its constitutional structures, whose very longevity is extraordinary. Most Latin American republics became independent between 1810 and 1822 and consciously adopted versions of the U.S. Constitution. But whereas they have been through more than 300 constitutions in the intervening years, the U.S. is still on its first.

 

The three documents that hang alongside one another in the National Archives in Washington, D.C. — the Declaration of Independence, the U.S. Constitution, and the Bill of Rights — have become what sacred olive groves were to the Greek city-states, what holy relics were in medieval Europe. The genius of the U.S. was to teach its people to be loyal to ideas rather than to factional leaders — no small achievement in a tribal species.

 

Calvin Coolidge explained the miracle precisely a century ago:

 

Amid all the clash of conflicting interests, amid all the welter of partisan politics, every American can turn for solace and consolation to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States with the assurance and confidence that those two great charters of freedom and justice remain firm and unshaken.

 

Officeholders, rather than the general population, swear oaths to that Constitution. They are its servants, there to defend it above everything else, even their own constituents.

 

Now a hard question. Do people still uphold those values today? Do Americans revere the documents in the National Archives? Are they prepared to elevate process above outcome, to accept that their side sometimes loses, to favor, in their foreign policy, liberty over despotism?

 

I wonder. I find the readiness to cozy up to foreign tyrants creepily un-American. To be clear, I am not talking about isolationism. Pure isolationism, in the sense of “Putin is a bastard but wake me up if he invades Seattle,” I can respect. It’s not my cup of tea, but it is an honorable philosophy. But this fawning over the Kremlin strongman across swaths of the right, this commensurate sneering at Zelensky — they are something other than isolationism. Playing nice with Russia while making aggressive claims against Canada and Denmark is alien to America’s foundational values.

 

“America encourages its political allies in Europe,” says the new National Security Strategy. “The growing influence of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism.”

 

In other words, the U.S. is backing Marine Le Pen in France, Alice Weidel in Germany, and Tommy Robinson in the U.K. over the parties that upheld the Atlantic Alliance throughout the Cold War. The odd thing is that these politicians, with their blood-and-soil nationalism, are wholly outside the American tradition, as expressed above by Reagan.

 

How secure is that tradition at home? Both parties seem increasingly unwilling to accept results that don’t suit them. There is, again, something creepily un-American about personality cults, about the willingness to contract out your opinions to a father-of-the-nation type, to change your views when he changes his.

 

The Founders would have had Trump down as a “Caesarist,” meaning a man whose personal ambition outweighed his respect for the republic. They would have been appalled, less by his executive power-grabs or desire for a third term — they knew such men — than by the obsequious way in which others encourage him to exceed his authority. They designed America expressly to prevent arbitrary rule.

 

Liberty “can be lost,” said Harry Truman when he inaugurated the National Archives, “and it will be, if the time ever comes when these documents are regarded not as the supreme expression of our profound belief, but merely as curiosities in glass cases.”

 

To understand what Truman meant requires education — not just in schools and colleges but in the wider media and culture. The American republic rests on a series of ideas that do not come naturally and so must be taught. The idea, for example, that we are all individuals, not defined by race or caste. The idea that people we don’t like might be right. The idea that the worth of a proposition is determined by its intrinsic truth rather than by whether we approve of the person proposing it.

 

These things are not being taught, at least not with the confidence that they once were. We went from the collectivism of identity politics, which reached its high point in the demented Black Lives Matter summer of 2020, to its mirror image, what the commentator Konstantin Kisin calls “right-wing woke,” a worldview equally rooted in victimhood, bitterness, and collectivism, and equally intolerant of dissenting opinions, albeit with the good guys and bad guys switched around.

 

Disseminating the idea of individual liberty in a screen-addled, impatient, conspiratorial age is not straightforward. How to teach civic virtue to people accustomed to spending an average of seven seconds on each TikTok video? It is no easy task. But the celebrations that mark the 250th anniversary are an unparalleled opportunity to remind Americans of who they were. Believe me, cousins, the rest of us want you back.