By Noah Rothman
Friday, August 21, 2026
The Washington Post eventually came to its senses,
but not before all the wrong people saw
how it characterized the race to replace former Representative Eric
Swalwell in California: “AIPAC has a new target to exert influence over
Democrats.”
A far more neutral headline subsequently took its place, but the original is instructive. The actual
candidates in the race were, to the reporters and editors who crafted it,
immaterial. They weren’t even rendered one-dimensional caricatures, players in
the political press’s solipsistic morality play. They were erased. So, too,
were the voters of California’s 14th district. In their place was a contest of
power between one lobby — and a mob boss of a lobby, at that — and the
Democratic Party, a unified entity beset by malign outside forces.
You could be forgiven for concluding that the victor in
this race, Aisha Wahab, ran against a Republican in the contest to finish out
Swalwell’s term. She did not. Her “moderate opponent,” Melissa Hernandez, a
onetime transit official in San Francisco, seems to have earned the label only
because she presented herself as tougher on crime than her opponent. But the Post’s
coverage of this race (like many other outlets) reads like coverage of a
far-off conflict in which the proxy forces doing the actual fighting are
treated as mere pawns in a greater geostrategic game.
“Support from AIPAC has been used as a cudgel against
Democratic candidates,” the Post wrote, once again, of a
Democrat-on-Democrat race. Indeed, some outlets even seemed to regard the very
concept of outside spending in this election as untoward.
The Wahab campaign “was on track for a double-digit win,”
the San Francisco Chronicle observed. “Then came the AIPAC
money.” As if the Americans who engaged in constitutionally protected political
speech played a spoiler role by depriving Wahab of the ability to run up the
score.
But the Chronicle’s piece does contain a useful
admission from an unlikely source, the national political director for the
far-left PAC Our Revolution, Robert Dempsey. “This is the establishment just
trying to assert their control over this district and have another vote in
Congress to vote against Medicare for All and to continue to pad their
pockets,” he said of AIPAC’s spending on Hernandez’s behalf.
Which is to say that AIPAC is not and, really, never was
a pro-GOP organization. “Since the 1990 election cycle — the earliest one
recorded by the Center for Responsive Politics — contributions by pro-Israel
interests have favored Democrats,” Open Secrets reported a decade ago. It was only after 2023
(did something happen?) that AIPAC’s PAC, which it only registered in December
2021, threw its weight behind more Republicans than Democrats. As late as the 2022 cycle,
AIPAC backed both Democrats and Republicans evenly. Indeed, its primary project
in that midterm year was to drive the Republicans who objected to Joe Biden’s 2020
victory out of office. For the Americans who contribute to AIPAC, things have
changed a lot in the last few years.
If AIPAC’s spending in this race occupies a prohibitive
amount of real estate in reporters’ heads, the outside spending that benefited
Wahab does not. No one seems to care about the contributions to her campaign from controversial outfits like
the Teamsters Union, the Service Employees International Union, or the Medicare
for All PAC. To observe any consistency here would detract from the mania that
media and Democrats are cultivating over AIPAC’s very existence.
Indeed, it doesn’t even really seem to be about AIPAC per
se. As Dave Weigel helpfully flagged this week, one New Hampshire
Democrat is attacking her opponent not for her affiliations with AIPAC but
“AIPAC donors,” which is to say . . . well, you know what she’s trying to say.
We all do.
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