By Raleigh Adams
Sunday, August 16, 2026
As someone who swallowed the “girlboss feminism”
propaganda of the last decade whole, my lingering instinct watching
Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D., N.Y.) in the news these past two
weeks has been: Good for her!
AOC has frozen her eggs, on livestream
at that. Reports emerged that she quietly ended her years-long engagement to
her longtime fiancé Riley Roberts. And, perhaps most surprisingly, one of the
most recognizable faces of contemporary progressivism has begun laughing about
the excesses of the very political culture that helped make her famous: “Woke 1.0 was crazy.”
Taken separately, these are all seemingly favorable
developments to see in the congresswoman. Publicly documenting egg freezing
helps normalize difficult conversations about women’s fertility
and reproductive health, even if the reasons or efficacy behind AOC personally
choosing to do so are dubious. Ending a relationship that no longer works or is
going nowhere is hardly a scandal. Possessing the humility to admit that, to
borrow former Biden White House aide Temi Egbewole’s formulation, “Peak woke got weird” is a welcome development
in practically anyone, even if admittedly a shallow act. Somewhere out there,
patron saint of millennial girlbosses Carrie Bradshaw is raising a Cosmopolitan
to AOC.
So why does the whole thing feel so off?
Perhaps because, taken together, these revelations look
less like a series of unrelated developments in the life of a 36-year-old
congresswoman (even representatives are entitled to an early midlife crisis)
and more like the construction of a 2028 presidential candidate.
The 2028 presidential soft launch has begun, and its
first stage is making America’s most ambitious politicians seem like normal
people again.
AOC didn’t need to launch a grassroots campaign: She’s
already famous, too much so if anything. Her problem is the AOC that the
American public is familiar with was crafted for a particular historical
moment: democratic socialism, abolishing ICE and decriminalizing illegal
immigration, the Green New Deal, 2020 racial politics, defunding the police and
the military, and abolishing prisons.
For a presidential campaign, particularly after
Democrats’ recent electoral disasters and the rising internal threat of the DSA to the Democratic Party’s
institutional makeup, she has to become someone who could plausibly win a
presidential election as the Democratic nominee to voters who currently regard
her as a creature of the progressive internet.
The goal here isn’t to bring AOC into the limelight.
Rather, it is to show the American public that, despite the limelight, she’s
just like them! Axios has suggested this separation from “peak woke” politics is
perhaps more indicative of AOC’s ulterior motives. She is distancing herself
from the beliefs that were convenient for her to get into elected office at the
time, and is now trying to present a public image that is more appealing to the
national electorate. The Woke 1.0 vote is secured, but if the rumors of her
presidential aspirations are true, AOC’s appeal must expand beyond her online
fan base.
Enter Alexandria, the normal thirtysomething woman. She’s
worried about finding the right partner to marry, about how time may be running
out, about whom to possibly start a family with. The public egg-freezing
disclosure is fascinating because it makes one of the most ideologically
defined politicians in America suddenly legible through an extremely
conventional dilemma faced by many professional millennial women.
Her public explanation explicitly framed the decision in
terms of preserving options and resisting the scrutiny women receive over their
reproductive decisions. For these reasons, at least, AOC should be applauded.
It is not the public’s business to opine on whether she will, or should, have
children. And, setting aside the considerable question of whether fertility
treatments such as egg freezing are financially accessible to the average
American woman, AOC managed to shift a conversation about reproductive health
away from the familiar trenches of abortion politics and toward fertility
instead. That is potentially fertile political ground. Even women who disagree
with AOC on abortion can recognize the anxiety of wondering whether motherhood
will remain an option, and Republicans — despite a politics increasingly
preoccupied with declining birth rates, marriage, and family formation — have
not always proven particularly adept at speaking to those anxieties.
Alongside the egg freezing, the news of her breakup with Roberts, without suggesting that AOC herself
directly orchestrated the timing of the break-up coming to light, only rounds
out this developing biography. To the public eye, AOC is becoming less Rosa
Luxemburg and more Carrie Bradshaw.
Still, lest Republicans ridicule AOC’s spectacle too
much, their prospective candidates appear to be undergoing the same ritual.
In a recent interview with Katie Miller, Secretary of
State Marco Rubio answered
that if given the opportunity for a free weekend, he would ideally spend it
watching College GameDay before the Saturday afternoon games, and then follow
that up with the NFL games on Sunday — checking with his wife first, of course.
Similarly, the key to a lasting marriage for the Rubios? Compliance on the
husband’s part, according
to the secretary. And finally, something everyone can get behind: The benefits
of the keto diet just don’t outweigh the joy of a good Pop-Tart.
Why is the secretary of state presenting the general
public with this information about his personal and family life?
Because it communicates, in approximately thirty seconds,
that he’s just like you. He may be secretary of state and managing foreign
wars, nuclear powers, and diplomatic relations, but behind all that, he’s a
wife-guy and football fan — in other words, relatable to the average American
voter. That’s a political biography compressed into a TikTok-ready soundbite.
Anecdotal accounts commenting on Rubio’s interviews seem
to point to their effectiveness, with viewers declaring he “would win the 2028 election in a landslide if he were the
nominee. He is far more impressive and likable than JD Vance,” and that “I don’t ask for a lot, but I need them to be POTUS and
FLOTUS.”
Such publicity moves aren’t new among politicians with a
potential eye on the White House. American politicians have always manufactured
relatability: eating at diners, kissing babies, talking about baseball,
clearing brush, Bill Clinton at McDonald’s, Obama filling out March Madness
brackets.
But social media has changed the required texture of the
performance.
The old litmus test for a political candidate was whether
you would have a beer with them. Now, in 2026, that judgment has shifted to
whether they are someone with whom you could share memes in a group chat.
What is emerging is something closer to the politician as
influencer. Social media has collapsed the old distance between public figure
and private person, and politicians are now expected to cultivate the same
parasocial intimacy as the people populating our Instagram and TikTok feeds.
Voters do not merely want to know a candidate’s policies; they want glimpses of
the person supposedly existing between press conferences — the marriage jokes,
strange eating habits, weekend plans, anxieties, and occasional oversharing.
The politician no longer simply needs a platform and a biography. He needs a
personality compelling enough to follow.
Americans expect politicians to disclose hobbies, dating
habits, favorite foods, fertility decisions, television habits, music tastes,
memes, marriages, divorces, and workouts.
And because voters are extraordinarily practiced
consumers of influencer culture, generic relatability no longer works very
well. For Rubio to say he enjoys spending time with his family sounds
focus-grouped and scripted. To say his wife may hate it, but he would love to
spend a weekend only watching football sounds like a dad you would meet in your
local Walmart. Likewise, AOC could have claimed that she believes Democrats
should learn from their past mistakes. To quip about Woke 1.0 being crazy is
something you would say over Saturday brunch. That distinction is central to
what both AOC and Rubio are doing as they size up their futures.
AOC needs voters to forget, momentarily, that she is AOC,
the Democratic Socialist champion. Rubio needs voters to remember that Marco
Rubio the dad exists underneath his all-consuming roles in the Trump
administration.
The time is ripe for this kind of experimentation. With
likely contenders but no inevitable heirs apparent in either party, ambitious
politicians have the luxury of spending the next year or two quietly testing an
increasingly important question: What version of me would Americans be more
likely to elect president? For Ocasio-Cortez, the answer emerging looks
something like an economic populist shorn of some of the cultural baggage of
2020, repackaged as a recognizable Millennial woman contemplating marriage and
motherhood while downplaying the mistakes of her political youth. For Rubio, it
is the inverse: the seasoned statesman who spends his working hours negotiating
with foreign powers but, given the choice, would rather spend his weekend
planted in front of a television watching an ungodly amount of college
football. The résumés are already written. What remains to be workshopped is
the person attached to them.
None of this is to say that the personalities being
presented are necessarily false. AOC really froze her eggs, and Rubio probably
really would happily liquefy his brain watching 14 straight hours of college
football. The artifice, if there is any, lies not in invention but in
selection. Presidential politics does not require constructing a human being
from scratch so much as deciding which of a person’s perfectly genuine pieces
might add up to an electable character.
And perhaps my lingering girlboss instinct was right
after all. Good for AOC. Freeze the eggs. Dump the fiancé. Repent of Woke 1.0.
Cheer on your SEC team and snack on Pop-Tarts. Just don’t be surprised if,
somewhere between the fertility clinic and the next round of Sunday games, an
exploratory committee appears.
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