By Judson Berger
Friday, June 13, 2025
The event speculated about in foreign policy circles for
decades has happened, and is happening. As Phil Klein writes, Israel’s strike on Iran’s nuclear program “is the big one.”
It’s too soon to know the extent of Israel’s operation, which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
said could take days, and certainly too soon to know how far Iran is willing to
go — or, perhaps more relevantly, is capable of going — to retaliate. The
regime launched dozens of missiles at Israel on Friday.
In the near term, Mark Wright observes that the question of whether Israel
has the logistical capabilities to conduct such long-range strikes has been
resoundingly answered. Unclear still is whether its munitions can penetrate
through to all its targets. To the question of why now, Phil explains:
One, Iran is more vulnerable than
ever, and so this was a unique window to act. . . .
Two, President Trump was in the
White House. . . .
Three, and likely the most
significant, time was running out. Even the IAEA, hardly a Zionist outlet, had
assessed that Iran had ratcheted up enrichment — and its report found that Iran
had already enriched 400kg of uranium well above civilian levels and, with
further refinement, could have
enough for ten nuclear bombs.
The operation already is confirmed to have taken out top Iranian military commanders and
nuclear scientists, in this new war in the Middle East. Most likely, the
strikes pulverized in an instant any chance of a Trump-era nuclear deal with
Iran; President Trump doesn’t seem to think so, though he is
making clear his support for Israel all the same. How much his administration
knew and even tacitly consented to in advance of Israel’s operation isn’t yet
clear — nor is the extent of any future U.S. involvement. Noah Rothman writes that Israel is a worthy partner, its
actions “justified by any number of casus belli that no other nation would be
expected to just stoically endure. The work it is doing on the ground and in
the skies over Iran directly advances U.S. interests. Defanging the Iranian
regime, if successful, will contribute to a more stable and peaceful status quo
in the region.” In the meantime, “heightened vigilance will be necessary in the
coming weeks” as Iran may rely on asymmetric tactics to respond, both in the
region and in the West.
Read more from NR’s editorial, here.
As the world watches the Middle East, we have
conflagrations still at home — fires unlikely to be extinguished just because
Israel/Iran is pushing them temporarily off the front page. So, if you’ll
permit one more item before the links . . .
Democrats Have a Second Chance to Handle Riots Right
If another pandemic breaks out on President Trump’s
watch, be sure of one thing: The federal government will not be the source of
any push for masking, social-distancing, and school closures. The
administration wouldn’t want to relive the 2020 experience.
Likewise, this administration shows no appetite for
anything resembling a repeat of the other national convulsion from the final
year of Trump’s first term — riots in response to the killing of George Floyd.
Did anybody really think Trump 47 would go easy on the
next outbreak of street chaos? In California? When the instigating issue is
immigration enforcement?
This is not to say that Trump doesn’t risk overreaching
or escalating the situation by putting boots on the ground, over the objections
of local Democrats, in response to the L.A. riots that broke out over ICE
raids. But, as Dan McLaughlin writes with the benefit of “2020” vision,
any present-day rioters who thought they could demonstrate “the impotence of
authority in the face of the raw power of the street” engaged in a
“catastrophic misreading of the man and his incentives.”
To the contrary, Dan writes, Trump views disorder in L.A.
in these circumstances “as a gift.”
This being the case, local Democratic leaders would do
well to apply a firm hand this time — on their own — to those protests that
cross the line into rioting, looting, arson, and other mayhem, even if they
sympathize with the anti-ICE cause.
San Francisco, now led by the relatively moderate Mayor
Daniel Lurie, provides one example worth emulating. From the Wall Street Journal:
Thousands of people marched for
miles Monday night before police declared an unlawful assembly around 10 p.m. A
contingent that refused to disperse appeared to resist arrest, and were met
with force by San Francisco police, who warned they would deploy chemical
agents, batons and projectiles if anyone else tried to flee.
That came after about 150 arrests
by San Francisco police on Sunday—more than double the arrests reported by police in Los Angeles.
The mayor vowed that the city would not tolerate
“destructive behavior,” while also saying he disagrees with federal
immigration-enforcement tactics and understands why people are protesting.
Was that so hard?
Local Democrats capable of resisting the pull of
resistance theater should strive for the same practical balance, as protests spread and potentially converge with planned anti-Trump demonstrations. Especially now,
when the administration shows no leeway with rioters (rioters who aren’t
storming the U.S. Capitol, that is), the Democrats who run America’s cities
should want to demonstrate competence in policing the streets. It would
be good for their damaged brand — and their constituents. And what better way
to keep or get military personnel out of their jurisdictions than to show that
their officers don’t tolerate lawlessness? Mayors and council members can
register their objections to ICE raids without allowing hooligans to sow chaos
and torment their neighbors using ICE as an excuse.
Noah Rothman argues that progressives still instinctively see such rioters
as “their people” — but that their political future depends on their defying
that instinct:
Democrats have talked themselves
into the idea that they have to walk a rhetorical tightrope amid outbreaks of
left-wing violence, and that has done inestimable damage to the party’s brand.
They must find the courage to jettison this millstone around their necks.
Back in 2020, states and cities eventually imposed
curfews, activated the National Guard, and made thousands of arrests. But roughly two dozen people died in incidents linked to the
political unrest, researchers found; many more were injured including police officers; and damage to property totaled more than $1 billion. Local officials struggled to get
control of their cities, with Minnesota Governor Tim Walz hesitating to deploy the Guard to
Minneapolis, Portland grappling with protests and riots all year, and Seattle
tolerating for several weeks an anarchic “autonomous zone.”
Cities should not make the same mistakes in 2025.
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