Monday, August 31, 2020

Dangers for Democrats

By Michael Brendan Dougherty

Monday, August 31, 2020

 

Call me crazy, but I don’t think Joe Biden’s best response to the news of a leftist protestor shooting a peaceful Donald Trump supporter in the head execution-style is to run in front of the cameras and say, “This is Donald Trump’s America.” Or repeating the close of his news release the other day, “How safe do you feel in Donald Trump’s America?”

 

When you put it that way, it sounds like a threat.

 

Maybe that’s why he’s calling off his planned visit to Kenosha.

 

The theory behind Democrats saying over and over again “This is Donald Trump’s America” is that, unlike in 1968, the Republican candidate talking about law and order in 2020 is an incumbent. So it’s all on him.

 

I don’t think it works that way. Maybe in 1968 people not only noticed who the incumbent was, but what side the unrest was on. Our “uprisings” are led by people who hate Trump. They are happening under Democratic governors, and in cities with Democratic mayors and city counsels. Those elected officials have turned down multiple offers of help. It was a Democrat mayor who called the Seattle Autonomous Zone a “summer of love” as its residents violently extorted local business. She closed it down only after the second child was murdered in it.

 

“This is Donald Trump’s America.” I just don’t know. When I was a dumb teenager, I once used an aerosol spray can and a lighter in the kitchen to make a minor flame thrower. I burned a curtain. I wasn’t clever enough to turn to my mother and excuse myself by protesting, “At the end of the day, this is your house!”

 

Maybe nothing matters in this election. You can squint at the polls and notice that Joe Biden has had a lead of seven points or more over Trump all through the summer of unrest, back to the start of the COVID-19 crisis, and even during January when Donald Trump was pointing to unemployment numbers and the Dow Jones and blowing himself air kisses about the state of things in Donald Trump’s America.

 

But I think these months of unrest are potentially a danger for Democrats hoping to get reelected.

 

We’re told to make distinctions. Like the one between “protesters” and rioters. Indeed, many at the scenes of unrest do witness people who leave the protest and agitators who then join the developing riot. The transformation occurs at sundown or the legally mandated curfew. The innocent protestors are like concertgoers who are devoted to the obscure opening act. But the riots are the headline act. We make distinctions between fanatics at one or the other. But for event-planning purposes, it’s one show. The opening protest provides the fig leaf of moral legitimacy to the acts that follow, the aim of which is intimidation.

 

Maybe the problem is that Joe Biden is making distinctions too — and making them too finely. Democrats ignored the issue entirely at their convention. Then, seeing the hay made by Republicans, Biden condemned “the violence” this weekend but stopped short of condemning the violent. Now he’s condemning the violence on all sides.

 

Maybe because he believes some of them are very fine people.

 

The other danger is the loose talk of how there will be a “crisis of legitimacy” if Donald Trump wins the election fair and square. We’re now being warned that an Electoral College win for Trump, but a popular vote “victory” for Joe Biden could lead to violence. The New York Times podcast of August 27 mentioned a Color Revolution. So has The Atlantic. One organizer giving a speech this weekend in the new Black Lives Matter Plaza of Washington, D.C., called for pulling Trump out of the White House before Election Day.

 

The fantasy of ending Donald Trump’s presidency through some kind of apocalyptic and extra-legal confrontation, rather than an election, keeps getting persistent airing on the left. This is what is behind the two-week campaign of fearmongering about the Post Office.

 

This trend would worry me if I were Joe Biden, for two reasons. The first is that it looks like yet another threat of violence against Trump supporters, with an attempt to legitimize it by having warned everyone in advance. People respond to threats unpredictably. And the second reason it should worry Biden is that he’s running for president. And maybe people are fantasizing about violence because they can’t convince themselves to get excited about voting.

 

Joe Biden’s America is within our grasp. You just have to reach for the lever and pull it. The poll numbers suggest it should be easy to achieve. But for some reason, it’s not enough.

The American Economy Is Already Too Far Left for Comfort — or Prosperity

By Martin Hutchinson

Monday, August 31, 2020

 

It was inevitable that Karl Marx would become a Marxist — at least according to the precepts of that ideology. He was brought up in an environment in which savings had been destroyed by inflation and a failure to keep up with the Industrial Revolution was impoverishing local people. Today we profess to live under capitalism, yet state spending represents 40 percent of GDP, while much of the rest of the economy is distorted by state-determined ultra-low interest rates and state-imposed regulations. Overall, only a modest percentage of decisions are determined by a willing buyer–willing seller price mechanism, while the rest are determined directly or indirectly by government. That may not be socialism in the most precise sense of the word, but, in some respects, it is uncomfortably close to it.

 

Marx was born in 1818, in the former Electoral Bishopric of Trier of the Holy Roman Empire (the bishopric had expired in 1803). The former Holy Roman Empire missed out on the early Industrial Revolution because of its remnants of serfdom, feudal land-ownership laws, and myriad local tolls and tariffs, eliminated only by the “Zollverein” customs union of 1833. Local workmen in Marx’s area were increasingly uncompetitive against British steam-powered industries, so their wages were forced downward, and their livelihoods disappeared. Furthermore, many middle-class savings had been wiped out by the collapse of Austrian-issued paper money in 1811 (a collapse documented in grim detail by Marx himself as an adult). Overall, it is no surprise Marx found “capitalism” unattractive.

 

The obsolete economic structures and monetary folly of Marx’s childhood environment prevented capitalism from functioning properly, yet at that time it worked very well in Britain and the new United States. In those countries, land was freely held, governments were small, and tariffs were applied only at international borders. Consequently, first in Britain and then in the United States, capitalism was able to exploit the Industrial Revolution. This brought continual productivity and living-standards improvements, even for working men and women, which led to the abundance of today.

 

We are now in a situation similar to that of Marx’s childhood, in an economy that purports to be capitalist (or in Marx’s era, proto-capitalist) but does not work with the efficiency of a true capitalist economy. First, the state sector is unimaginably larger than in Marx’s day, around 40 percent of GDP in the United States, when federal, state, and local governments are included, even if that number is smaller than many other economies elsewhere in the West. In America’s state sector, decisions are made not on a free-market, willing buyer–willing seller basis, but through bureaucratic fiat or political pull. Unsurprisingly, this leads to corruption, inefficiency, and waste. Huge sectors of the economy, many of which might be private, such as education, defense, and much of health care, are dominated by government and not subject to proper market disciplines.

 

Second, even in the other 60 percent of the economy, the most important price, that of money, is set by government fiat. That caused trouble in 1929–32, after the Federal Reserve had set interest rates too low during the boom, then failed to allow for mass bank failures during the subsequent downturn. Today, the Fed forces interest rates toward zero, even when inflation is still in positive territory, thus producing a negative real cost of money. That distorts decision-making in the nominally private economy; the most crucial price in that economy, that of money, is being set by government fiat, not by the market.

 

With interest rates forced down to levels below the rate of inflation, asset prices and share prices are forced upward, and deals that will ultimately prove value-destroying are entered into because of the available cheap finance. This is something that we have gotten used to over the past decade, and as a result, U.S. productivity growth since 2011 has run far below historic levels, except for a brief period in 2018–19 when the Fed allowed interest rates to rise toward a more natural level. Unproductive real estate dots the landscape, especially in city centers. “Zombie” companies such as Boeing, with neither profits nor equity, survive because of their ability to secure debt financing. Plentiful private-equity and junk-bond finance allow unprofitable start-ups to carry on for decades without sorting themselves out. At the other end of the corporate lifespan, senescent retailers such as Sears, Macy’s, and J.C. Penney stick around by being passed from one private-equity owner to another. It’s hard to see how this activity adds to the productivity and efficiency of the economy.

 

But even beyond the huge government sector and the distortions caused by the Fed, there is a third factor preventing capitalism from working properly: excessive regulation. Any company in the energy sector, for example, faces a playing field whose tilt changes markedly according to whether there is a Democrat or Republican administration in Washington. Any company in the health-care or finance sectors is subjected to regulations of frightening complexity, which benefit the largest players (who know best how to navigate them) and add hugely to consumers’ costs. In health care, for example, hospitals are compelled to treat the indigent in their emergency rooms without receiving government compensation for doing so; in turn, the hospitals publish “posted” (and not infrequently grotesque) price schedules that apply only to those unfortunate patients who do not have health insurance, and are discounted by two-thirds or three-quarters for Medicare, Medicaid, or the big insurance companies.

 

Marx had an even more ambitious (and thus even worse) vision of socialism. But, if we use socialism as a shorthand for describing the overriding of market mechanisms by government diktats in an overwhelming percentage of the economy, the U.S. economy is indeed, in those terms, primarily socialist. Two things are thus unsurprising. First, as government’s size grows, interest-rate distortions and regulation have increased, and the nominally “capitalist” economy has come to work less and less well. Second, today’s young people, like Marx, see few advantages to this “capitalist” system and believe that some new system would work better. They are right, but the new system that would work better is true small-government, sound-money, light-regulation capitalism, as Britain had in the decades that produced the Industrial Revolution. Alas, such a system is not on offer.

Why Republicans Talk about Abortion and Democrats Don’t

By Alexandra DeSanctis

Wednesday, August 26, 2020

 

The Republican convention featured a speech attacking unlimited legal abortion, while last week Democrats ignored the issue entirely.

 

The Republican convention yesterday evening featured a speech by Abby Johnson, a former Planned Parenthood clinic director who today is a pro-life activist.

 

The substance of Johnson’s speech has received markedly little coverage, as most reports instead attacked the credibility of her conversion story or dredged up her controversial comments on other subjects. But what Johnson said about abortion is worth remembering.

 

“For most people who are pro-life, abortion is abstract. They can’t even conceive of the barbarity,” she said, after telling the story of assisting with an abortion procedure while working at Planned Parenthood. “They don’t know about the ‘products of conception’ room in abortion clinics, where infant corpses are pieced back together to ensure nothing remains in the mothers’ wombs, or that we joked and called it the ‘pieces of children’ room. For me, abortion is real. I know what it sounds like. I know what abortion smells like. Did you know abortion even had a smell?”

 

This message is a powerful one, especially at a time when supporters of legal abortion prefer to avoid talking about the procedure at all. In fact, at last week’s Democratic convention, as the party ratified its most pro-abortion platform in history, not a single speaker so much as said the word “abortion.”

 

It was a striking omission for a party that now favors unlimited, taxpayer-funded abortion on demand, that has nominated a presidential candidate who promises to appoint only judges who embrace legal abortion and a vice-presidential candidate who wants to use Congress and the executive branch to block states from enacting pro-life laws even after fetal viability.

 

It perhaps isn’t too surprising that Democrats would rather avoid the subject entirely than admit to this extremism. In an opinion piece this morning attacking Johnson’s remarks, New York Times editorial-board member Lauren Kelley suggested that the Democrats’ evasion was a smart, strategic decision:

 

No doubt the Democrats’ calculus went something like this: Come across as the sane, rational party ahead of the election. That’s the opposite of how President Trump has characterized the party, as supporters of “ripping babies straight from the mother’s womb.” (No, that is not a thing.)

 

Democrats surely looked at poll numbers that show that abortion and contraception policies are pretty far down the list of issues voters say they care most about heading into November, even if those numbers are significantly higher for registered Democrats. The nation is, after all, in the middle of a global pandemic, an ongoing climate crisis and a major economic downturn.

 

But surely the poll numbers Kelley cites aren’t the only ones Democrats have taken into consideration. Perhaps they’ve noticed, too, that just 13 percent of the American public and 18 percent of self-identified Democrats support legal abortion throughout all nine months of pregnancy, as the party does. Perhaps they’ve discovered that nearly 80 percent of the public opposes taxpayer-funded abortion, and three-quarters of Democrats oppose U.S. funding of abortion overseas, both policies that the Biden–Harris ticket backs.

 

The Democratic convention tried to hide the party’s position on abortion for one very obvious reason: It is out of step not only with the American public, but with the party’s own voters.

 

Contra Kelley’s rather uninformed claim that Johnson aimed to court white women voters by vowing that Trump’s second term will see Roe v. Wade overturned, the real reason Republicans talk about abortion is because the bare truth of the issue is the most powerful argument for the pro-life cause. That is why President Trump tends to talk about late-term abortion in graphic terms, much to the consternation of Kelley and other media flaks who want the procedure to remain legal.

 

The Democratic Party backs legal abortion on demand, past fetal viability, until the moment of birth, with no restrictions, and to the exclusion of any pro-life laws in a single state. To discuss this platform, to discuss abortion at all, would be to risk reminding voters of an inconvenient truth: Every abortion ends the life of a distinct, living human being.

 

That was the power, and the threat, of Abby Johnson’s speech. It reminded anyone listening that abortion is not an abstract concept. Ultimately, abortion is not, as Democrats insist, an issue of the “right to choose” or “women’s rights” or “reproductive justice.” Abortion is a matter of life or death, and of whether the U.S. will continue to be a country that favors giving power to the strong so that they may dominate the weak.

Sunday, August 30, 2020

This Is How Biden Loses

By George Packer

Friday, August 28, 2020

 

Here is a prediction about the November election: If Donald Trump wins, in a trustworthy vote, what’s happening this week in Kenosha, Wisconsin, will be one reason. Maybe the reason. And yet Joe Biden has it in his power to spare the country a second Trump term.

 

Events are unfolding with the inevitable logic of a nightmare. A white police officer shoots a Black man as he’s leaning into a car with his three sons inside—shoots him point-blank in the back, seven times, “as if he didn’t matter,” the victim’s father later says. If George Floyd was crushed to death by depraved indifference, Jacob Blake is the object of an attempted execution. Somehow, he survives—but his body is shattered, paralyzed from the waist down, maybe for life. Kenosha explodes in rage, the same rage that’s been igniting around the country all summer long, fading in Minneapolis only to flare up in Portland. In Kenosha, as elsewhere, what starts in peaceful protest soon leads to violence: cars burned, shops smashed, local businesses destroyed. Police and rioters incite one another to escalate; armed vigilantes take matters into their own hands; and a teenager from out of state kills two local men with an AR-15-style rifle. The authorities are overwhelmed and ineffectual, offering little in the way of information or protection. Within a couple of days, much of the small city is a ruined landscape.

 

The victim’s family demands justice. His mother, Julia Jackson, calls for something else, too. Two days after the shooting, with her son fighting for his life, she begins her public remarks softly, almost inaudibly, but her own words seem to give her growing strength, and finally a profound resonance. She says that her son would not be happy with the damage to his community. “As I have prayed for my son’s healing, physically, emotionally, and spiritually, I also have been praying, even before this, for the healing of our country,” Jackson says, and she goes on: “We are the United States. Have we been united? Do you understand what’s going to happen when we fall? Because a house that is against each other cannot stand. To all of the police officers, I’m praying for you and your families. To all of the citizens, my Black and brown sisters and brothers, I’m praying for you. I believe that you are an intelligent being just like the rest of us. Everybody, let’s use our hearts, our love, and our intelligence to work together to show the rest of the world how humans are supposed to treat each other. America is great when we behave greatly.”

 

Her words fall like a healing rain over the grief and the fires of this terrible year. She speaks to the whole country, to our shared humanity, and our desperation. Julia Jackson has given the essential speech of 2020, the one we most need to hear. And her last words—they seem to be directed at the president.

 

The day before, on Monday, the Republicans began their remote convention. The simultaneous mayhem in Kenosha seemed like part of the script, as it played into their main theme: that Biden is a tool of radical leftists who hate America, who want to bring the chaos of the cities they govern out to the suburbs where the real Americans live. The Republicans won’t let such an opportunity go to waste. “Law and order are on the ballot,” Vice President Mike Pence said on Wednesday night. Other speakers were harsher.

 

It’s no use dismissing their words as partisan talking points. They are effective ones, backed up by certain facts. Trump will bang this loud, ugly drum until Election Day. He knows that Kenosha has placed Democrats in a trap. They’ve embraced the protests and the causes that drive them. The third night of the Democratic convention was consumed with the language and imagery of protest—as if all Americans watching were activists.

 

On Monday, the day after Blake’s shooting, Biden and his vice-presidential nominee, Senator Kamala Harris, released statements expressing outrage. The next day, Biden’s spokesperson released a statement opposing “burning down communities and needless destruction.” And on Wednesday, Biden, after speaking with the Blake family, condemned both the initial incident and the subsequent destruction. “Burning down communities is not protest,” he pleaded in a video. “It’s needless violence.” He said the same after George Floyd’s killing.

 

How many Americans have heard him? In the crude terms of a presidential campaign, voters know that the Democrat means it when he denounces police brutality, but less so when he denounces riots. To reach the public and convince it otherwise, Biden has to go beyond boilerplate and make it personal, memorable.

 

Harris, a Black former prosecutor and now an advocate for police reform, seems uniquely positioned to speak to the crisis. But she has said little all week, which suggests that there might be things she doesn’t want to say. On Thursday, Harris directly addressed the events in Kenosha, affirming that Americans “must always defend peaceful protest and peaceful protesters. We should not confuse them with those looting and committing acts of violence.” She quickly moved on. Democratic leaders, from the nearly invisible mayor of Kenosha up to those on the presidential ticket, are reluctant to tarnish a just cause, amplify Republican attacks, or draw the wrath of their own progressive base (Senator Chris Murphy of Connecticut deleted a tweet saying that both the Blake shooting and the riots were wrong after commenters accused him of equating the two). So Democrats continue to mute their response to the violence and hope it will subside, even though it has persisted straight through the summer.

 

In mid-August, a Pew Research Center poll found that the issue of violent crime ranks fifth in importance to registered voters—behind the economy, health care, the Supreme Court, and the pandemic, but ahead of foreign policy, guns, race, immigration, and climate change. The poll found a large partisan gap on the issue: three-quarters of Trump voters rated violent crime “very important,” second behind only the economy. Nonetheless, nearly half of Biden voters also rated it “very important.” Other polls show that, over the summer, Biden has lost some of the support he gained among older white Americans in the first months of the coronavirus pandemic.

 

With some exceptions, the media have been reluctant to shine a bright light on the summer’s violence—both the riots and the concurrent spike in violence. The New York Times ignored or downplayed the subject for weeks. One of its first major articles appeared in mid-August, under the headline “In the Wake of Covid-19 Lockdowns, a Troubling Surge in Homicides.” The piece argued that the crime surge had to do with the end of the lockdown that coincided with the beginning of summer, citing the skepticism of criminologists that “the increase is tied to any pullback by the police in response to criticism or defunding efforts,” and pointing to economic disruption and the spread of despair. But it also offered a different explanation, contradicting the thesis: “Police officials in several cities have said the protests have diverted officers from crime-fighting duty or emboldened criminals.”

 

After the 2016 election, the Times admitted that it had somehow missed the story, and it earnestly set about at self-correction. Like many other outlets, the paper sent reporters to talk to Americans who had put Trump in the White House. It was a new beat, almost a foreign bureau—heartland reporting—but that focus soon faded as the president’s daily depredations consumed the media’s attention. This election year, news organizations grown more activist might miss the story again, this time on principle—as they avoid stories that don’t support their preferred narrative. Trump supporters are hoping for it.

 

On Tuesday night, the CNN host Don Lemon warned his colleague Chris Cuomo that riots were hurting Biden and the Democrats: “Chris, as you know and I know, it’s showing up in the polls, it’s showing up in focus groups. It’s the only thing right now that’s sticking.” Lemon urged Biden to speak out about both police reform and violence. With Kenosha and the political conventions, the coverage seems to be changing. On Thursday, the Times ran a piece headlined “How Chaos in Kenosha Is Already Swaying Some Voters in Wisconsin.” Half a dozen Kenosha residents, reckoning with damaged buildings and businesses, expressed displeasure with the uncertain response of Democratic officials. Ellen Ferwerda, an antique store owner, “said that she was desperate for Trump to lose in November but that she had ‘huge concern’ the unrest in her town could help him win. She added that local Democratic leaders seemed hesitant to condemn the mayhem.”

 

Nothing will harm a campaign like the wishful thinking, fearful hesitation, or sheer complacency that fails to address what voters can plainly see. Kenosha gives Biden a chance to help himself and the country. Ordinarily it’s the incumbent president’s job to show up at the scene of a national tragedy and give a unifying speech. But Trump is temperamentally incapable of doing so and, in fact, has a political interest in America’s open wounds and burning cities.

 

Biden, then, should go immediately to Wisconsin, the crucial state that Hillary Clinton infamously ignored. He should meet the Blake family and give them his support and comfort. He should also meet Kenoshans like the small-business owners quoted in the Times piece, who doubt that Democrats care about the wreckage of their dreams. Then, on the burned-out streets, without a script, from the heart, Biden should speak to the city and the country. He should speak for justice and for safety, for reform and against riots, for the crying need to bring the country together. If he says these things half as well as Julia Jackson did, we might not have to live with four more years of Trump.

Milwaukee Bucks, Black Athletes Can No Longer Afford To ‘Just Do It’

By Jason Whitlock

Thursday, August 27, 2020

 

For more than 30 years, the most powerful cultural force in American sports, Nike, has encouraged athletes to Just Do It.

 

Colin Kaepernick followed Nike’s advice four years ago. He sat on the bench during the playing of the national anthem. After a conversation with a former Green Beret, Kaepernick changed to taking a knee.

 

“I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color,” Kaepernick explained in late August of 2016. “To me, this is bigger than football and it would be selfish on my part to look the other way. There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder.”

 

The former 49ers quarterback has never been asked to articulate a list of demands or formulate a strategy for correcting the racial oppression he sees. He’s been celebrated for raising awareness around rare instances of police-involved shootings of black men.

 

Four years later to the day, the Milwaukee Bucks joined Kaepernick’s Just Do It social justice movement. As a means of protesting the shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wisconsin, the Bucks refused to take the court Wednesday afternoon against the Orlando Magic.

 

Milwaukee’s abstention shut down the NBA Bubble, caused the cancellation of three Major League Baseball games and marked August 26, 2020 as a sports day that will live in infamy.

 

A 20-second viral video of police shooting a resisting criminal suspect wanted for sexual assault did what the Zapruder film could not. Jacob Blake halted sports. The NFL played on in the aftermath of President John F. Kennedy’s televised assassination.

 

Just Do It.

 

The 1988 Nike slogan drives the logic of professional athletes — old and young.

 

“I’m very proud of the players,” NBA star-turned-TNT broadcaster Chris Webber said Wednesday night in an emotional, widely-praised defense of the work stoppage. “I don’t know the next steps. Don’t really care what the next steps are because the first steps are to garner attention. And they have everybody’s attention around the world right now.”

 

The Just Do It slogan was inspired by the last words of confessed double-murderer Gary Gilmore, who responded “let’s do it” when seated before a firing squad in 1977. Nike, the Portland-based shoe manufacturer, wanted a rebellious, counter-culture advertising campaign to reach young people. What’s more rebellious than the last words of a murderer?

 

“We know nothing is gonna change,” Webber continued. “We get it. Martin Luther King got shot and risked his life… We’ve seen this in all of our heroes constantly taken down. We understand that it’s not gonna end.”

 

Just Say It. Anything. It doesn’t have to make sense. You can inadvertently compare the killing of Martin Luther King to the shooting of Jacob Blake and the death of George Floyd. Just Do It.

 

The truth doesn’t matter. Strategy doesn’t matter.

 

“But that does not mean young men that you don’t do anything,” Webber continued. “Don’t listen to these people telling you don’t don’t do anything because it’s not gonna end right away. You are starting something for the next generation and the next generation to take over.”

 

I think Chris Webber is well-intentioned. He’s trapped inside the same bubble and echo chamber as the players. Long before they were all sequestered at Disney World, black professional athletes immersed themselves inside Nike’s China-approved, LeBron James and Colin Kaepernick-constructed social justice bubble. Inside that bubble all criticism of Kaepernick and James is dismissed as racism or race betrayal.  Inside that bubble the actions of a police officer struggling to subdue a resisting black criminal suspect is reflective of how America feels about black people.

 

“It’s amazing why we keep loving this country,” Clippers coach Doc Rivers said Tuesday, “and this country does not love us back.”

 

When police shoot or kill a black criminal suspect it explains how America feels about black people? When police kill a white criminal suspect does it explain how America feels about white people?

 

We have to break from thought bubbles, the social media silos that confirm our worst biases about the opposite race.

 

The NBA Bubble is toxic. It was bound to burst, bound to foment racial animus. The Bubble is a museum dedicated to defining America as inherently racist and demonizing anyone who questions the sanity of analyzing a nation through the lens of police engagement with resisting suspects.

 

This is the consequence of injecting politics into sports. Politics is inherently partisan, divisive, dishonest, racially exploitive and destructive. Politics blinds. The fight for political power erases the humanity of the opposition. Politics uses fear to inspire voters.

 

“Black men, black women, black kids, we are terrified,” LeBron James, who is leading a Democractic voter-registration drive, said a day after watching the Jacob Blake video.

 

James, Rivers and Webber are all good men. They are trapped in the bubble of hate that has captured a large swath of black and white Americans during this election cycle. The mainstream media and social media financially capitalize on the hate bubbles they promote and exploit.

 

NBA players have reportedly agreed to resume play in the coming days. The cancellation of the NBA season might have been best for sports and America. The isolation of the NBA Bubble accentuates the racial divide and encourages the irresponsible Just Do It mentality.

 

Chris Webber and other athletes need to engage with people who don’t share their worldview, people who reject the Just Do It mantra.

 

If there’s no plan, there’s no progress. If there’s no strategy, there’s no progress.

 

Rather than a pointless gesture designed to “garner attention” or organizing protests designed to seek “justice” for a resisting criminal suspect, why can’t we encourage black professional athletes to pool their economic resources and invest in black communities?

 

Jobs combat racism far more than destroying sports leagues that employ and compensate black men. Black professional athletes could start banks and businesses that dramatically improve black communities.

 

Athletes shouldn’t listen to the well-intentioned people who tell them to just do anything. Just doing it accomplishes nothing of value. It’s the philosophy of a confessed double-murderer sitting before a firing squad.

 

You can take the advice of Gary Gilmore or consider mine. Your choice.

On Iran, the U.N. Proves Its Uselessness Once Again

By Fred Fleitz

Sunday, August 30, 2020

 

Given a recent surge in belligerent behavior by Iran and clear evidence that it cheated on the JCPOA, the deeply flawed 2015 nuclear deal, President Trump wants to reimpose U.N. sanctions that were lifted by the prior agreement. To do this, Trump wants to trigger a “snap-back” provision in a 2015 U.N. Security Council resolution. Security Council members — led by Russia, China, and America’s European allies — are blocking this effort because they prefer to appease Iran and protect the worthless nuclear deal.

 

On August 25, the Security Council’s current president refused to take up the U.S. snap-back proposal. By doing so, U.N. members are choosing to look the other way on a growing list of dangerous Iranian provocations and JCPOA violations. They also are validating President Trump’s conclusion that staying in the JCPOA and trying to rein in Iran through the U.N. is not in the national security interests of the United States.

 

When Israel revealed thousands of pages from Iran’s “Nuclear Archive,” obtained by Israeli intelligence in 2018, it proved Iran’s massive cheating on the JCPOA and ongoing covert work on nuclear weapons. This included undeclared facilities that Iran continued to use to pursue nuclear weapons after the announcement of the JCPOA. In response to Israel’s revelation, Iran razed one of these facilities and emptied another before IAEA inspectors could visit them.

 

Iran’s growing defiance of its nuclear-nonproliferation commitments led to tensions over the last year with IAEA officials and European states. In addition to refusing to cooperate with IAEA investigations of the Nuclear Archive revelations, between May 2019 and January 2020 Iran withdrew from all of its JCPOA commitments. Tehran is now enriching uranium over the agreement’s 300-kg maximum and producing enriched uranium that exceeds a 3.67 percent uranium-235 cap; it has resumed uranium enrichment at its underground Fordow facility and activated advanced uranium-enrichment centrifuges.

 

There was a new development on August 26 when the IAEA released a statement that Iran has agreed to allow IAEA inspectors access to two suspect nuclear sites identified in the Nuclear Archive. This appeared to be an Iranian concession to discourage Security Council members from snapping back sanctions. But the significance of that concession was outweighed by what was essentially an IAEA concession: The statement included language saying that the IAEA had no further questions for Iran or inspection requests beyond these two sites. Although the door was left open for future inspections in response to new information, it was clear that the IAEA did not plan to investigate the dozens of other nuclear sites revealed by the Nuclear Archive. The result was a huge win for Iran and another embarrassing retreat by the U.N.

 

Iran’s increasingly belligerent behavior, which almost led to war several times over the last year, gives the U.S. further reason to want to snap back U.N. sanctions. In June 2019, Iran shot down a U.S. drone in the Persian Gulf. Last September, drones fired from Iranian soil heavily damaged two Saudi oil facilities. In January, Iran fired 15 ballistic missiles at a U.S. airbase in Iraq.

 

On April 1, in response to intelligence that Iranian proxies were planning new attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq, President Trump warned in a tweet that Iran was planning a “sneak attack” on U.S. forces and pledged it would pay “a very heavy price” for such attacks. On April 22, after Iranian gunboats made “dangerous and harassing approaches” near American ships in the Persian Gulf, Trump announced that the United States would “shoot down and destroy” any Iranian ships that attempted this in the future. This was followed by a lull in Iranian harassment of ships in the gulf until August 12, when Iran attempted to seize a Greek-owned oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz.

 

The threat from Iran’s missile arsenal continued to grow this year with tests of advanced missiles and drones with greater ranges and accuracy. This includes the “358” cruise missile, which is designed to evade defensive measures and shoot down U.S. military helicopters and the tilt-rotor Osprey. Last February, the U.S. Navy intercepted two shipments of these missiles sent from Iran to the Houthi rebels in Yemen.

 

The growing list of dangerous and belligerent actions by Iran and clear evidence of its cheating on the JCPOA more than justify President Trump’s decision to withdraw from the nuclear deal and implement his successful “maximum pressure” strategy, which is limiting Iran’s access to advanced technology it could use in its nuclear weapons and missile programs as well as funds to spend on terrorism and the Iranian military.

 

The U.N. Security Council’s rejection of U.S. demands to increase pressure on Tehran vindicates President Trump’s judgment that America needed to act alone to counter the growing Iranian threat. For example, on August 14 the council overwhelmingly rejected a U.S. resolution to indefinitely extend a U.N. arms embargo on Iran that is scheduled to be lifted in October. The council is refusing snap-backs because a majority of its members — including all European members — want to protect the moribund nuclear agreement so as to appease Iran’s ruling mullahs.

 

In response to the Security Council’s recalcitrance, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said: “America will not join in this failure of leadership. America will not appease, America will lead.”

 

The refusal of Security Council members to agree to increase the pressure on Iran in response to its recent warlike behavior further shreds the U.N.’s already tattered moral authority. But it also shows the urgent need for decisive U.S. global leadership.

 

President Trump has provided this leadership, which has reduced the threat from Iran and increased stability in the Middle East. These gains will quickly vanish if Joe Biden wins the 2020 presidential election: He has promised to rejoin the JCPOA and work through the U.N. to resolve issues over Iran’s nuclear program. Biden also will restore the weak foreign policies of President Obama such as appeasing Iran and “leading from behind” in the Middle East. It therefore was no surprise when the U.S. intelligence community recently revealed that Iran’s ruling mullahs are rooting for a Biden win this November.

The ‘Principles’ of CNN’s Asha Rangappa

By Tobias Hoonhout

Sunday, August 30, 2020

 

‘I know that the U.S. has engaged in many questionable things,” Asha Rangappa was quoted as saying in a glowing 2019 Elle profile. “But there was this idea that there were certain principles: rule of law, equal justice, freedom of religion and the press, these things. That’s what I feel oriented around.”

 

For Rangappa, an Indian-American woman whose impressive career has spanned the FBI, CNN, and Yale, one of those values is clearly feminism. “Women, in particular, are shamed into ‘dumbing own’ [sic] their accomplishments, and frankly, I’m kind of tired of it,” she tweeted in April 2019. She’s a brand ambassador for a “female-founded, female-led, and female-focused” bag company that funds one year of girls’ education for every bag it sells. And she’s not afraid to challenge what she sees as sexist attacks on women, as when she took issue with remarks made by American Conservative Union chairman Matt Schlapp over remarks he’d made about Kamala Harris following the first Democratic primary debate last June:

 

Got it. So your play is to woman-shame Harris for not having children and therefore being "clueless" about health care (??), instead of arguing the merits of her policy proposals and what she was actually debating. Cool, cool. Let me know how that works out for you 👍🏾

 

— Asha Rangappa (@AshaRangappa_) June 28, 2019

 

But this past month, Rangappa betrayed her own principles in an attack on former United Nations ambassador and fellow Indian American Nikki Haley. After Haley, who spoke at the Republican National Convention, posited that “America is not a racist country,” Rangappa tried to paint her as a hypocrite for going by “Nikki” rather than her given first name, “Nimrata.”

 

Right. Is that why you went from going by Nimrata to "Nikki"? https://t.co/buGFcY48gQ

 

— Asha Rangappa (@AshaRangappa_) August 25, 2020

 

Rangappa’s attack might have worked, if it weren’t the case that “Nikki” is Haley’s middle name, and a traditional Punjabi name at that. This isn’t some well-guarded secret that it would’ve been difficult for Rangappa to ascertain, either; Haley has both tweeted and written about going by “Nikki.”

 

“‘Nimrata’ is my given name, but I have spent my whole life as Nikki,” she wrote in her 2012 memoir. “Some have accused me of creating the name ‘Nikki,’ to sound American, but on my birth certificate it says ‘Nimrata Nikki Randhawa.’”

All Our Opinion in Your Inbox

 

Like the target of her scorn, Rangappa also goes by her middle name. After being called out for it, Rangappa attempted to defend herself by doubling down on her misrepresentation of Haley’s remarks:

 

Yes…that’s the whole point. Indians go by more easily pronounceable (and often anglicized) names you avoid racist BS. Which contradicts Nikki’s claim that there is “no racism.”

 

Thanks for making my point with your big “gotcha”!  https://t.co/bWch1rxCJ7

 

— Asha Rangappa (@AshaRangappa_) August 25, 2020

 

In fact, Haley’s speech didn’t claim that there was “no racism” in America. It asserted that “America is not a racist country,” and that while the nation “isn’t perfect . . . the principles we hold dear are perfect” — a surprisingly similar point to the one made by Rangappa in her Elle profile. It also talked about how Haley’s family had faced “discrimination and hardship” after her parents emigrated from India, arguing that their subsequent success proved “America is a story that’s a work in progress.”

 

While the group South Asians for Biden used a similar line of attack against Haley, only to later delete the tweet and apologize for its “tone,” Rangappa defiantly declined to apologize. “Nikki can identify as whatever she wants — it’s her business,” she wrote in a later thread. And after female Washington Free Beacon reporter Alex Nester reached out to Yale for a comment on the controversy, Rangappa went ballistic, telling her nearly 633,000 Twitter followers to “feel free to respond” to Nester, whose phone number was included in the email screenshot she tweeted out.

 

The message, which resulted in dozens of tweets being directed at the young reporter, was condemned by Haley, and Twitter forced Rangappa to delete it.

 

Yet instead of apologizing, Rangappa then demeaned Nester as an “intern who presented herself as a reporter” and “tried to Karen me at my job.” She also suggested that the experience of being censured by Twitter for doxing a young, female reporter had been fun, and reminded her of “the first time I got detention as a senior in high school!”

 

Twitter made me delete the tweet of the public-facing contact form I posted of the @FreeBeacon intern who presented herself as a reporter and tried to Karen me at my job.

 

Getting a Twitter warning felt like the first time I got detention as a senior in high school!

 

— Asha Rangappa (@AshaRangappa_) August 26, 2020

 

In an email to National Review, Nester said that “I stand by my story and my reporting speaks for itself, as does Asha’s tweet.” CNN, Yale, and Rangappa did not return requests for comment.

Saturday, August 29, 2020

Let Them Boycott!

By Andrew C. McCarthy

Saturday, August 29, 2020

 

Ostensibly, the NBA boycotts, which other sports are adopting, are illogical. But then, the animating concept behind the player protests — “systemic racism,” derived from the smear that the nation’s police forces are hunting down young black men — is irrational, a triumph of distorted narrative over critical thinking. Why should the boycotts be any different?

 

For a work stoppage to be successful, it has to withhold something the potential consumer wants. Or, at least, wants badly enough to be depressed by its absence. Big-time professional sports has been that something for a long time. The sand is running out of the hourglass, though, and that won’t change if the players don’t figure out why.

 

With some exceptions, the astronomically paid athletes are inexperienced in anything other than their sport — understandably so: They are young, and it takes full-time dedication to compete at their elite level. They are ill-informed, or flat uninformed, about the phenomena they claim to be animated by. They do not approach public policy with an open mind. That, too, is not their fault. Modern-era education has supplanted critical thinking with tribalism, grievance-mongering, and hostility to the free exchange of ideas and viewpoints. It seems paradoxical, given how self-regarding athletes tend to be, but marination in progressive tropes has left them devoid of self-perception. The wealth, the adulation, and the open doors enjoyed by the players, a large percentage of whom are African American, defy the Manichean tale they parrot about America.

 

It does not dawn on today’s athletes, then, that their saleable value lies in giving the rest of us a unifying escape from our personal struggles and social divisions. For two or three hours, we can marvel at how the well-executed pick-and-roll is nearly impossible to defend. The conservative and the liberal, the black and white fan, all of us can relate to wishing we could be the slugger who carries a team, wishing we could feel, even for a moment, what it’s like to have such talent.

 

The players don’t realize that the value they can singularly provide, the value that the consumer craves, is the oasis from turmoil. The oasis is disappearing. The players first invited the turmoil in, and now they are stoking it.

 

The Left ruins everything.

 

I know, I know; you want to blame conservatives, too. Well, yes, we do want norms respected and preserved. I would like everyone to stand in unison for the national anthem: a couple of minutes that invite our attention to being one national community, to forebears who sacrificed for the preservation of our free society, to the duty of preserving it for our children.

 

That is what I’d like . . . but I do not insist on it.

 

We’re about pluralism, not my way or the highway. “The Star Spangled Banner,” which was not even the national anthem until 1931, was not routinely played before sporting events until World War II. I have no sympathy for the racialist indictment against the anthem or the American flag, but I respect your right to believe that indictment and take offense at patriotic displays. We are talking here about coming together to enjoy a ballgame, not to air our political disputes. I wish patriotic displays were not controversial, but fine: If playing the anthem sullies the experience for a sizable number of fans, let’s not do it. There are plenty of other forums for arguing politics and wondering whether a nation can remain a nation if its symbols repel a critical mass of its people.

 

If the anthem is played, however, don’t sully the experience for me — not if you expect me to keep watching and attending.

 

The players don’t get this. In part, it’s because neither they nor the people who influence them understand the Constitution they like to blather about. They don’t get that the prohibition on government suppression of speech does not mean an employer or a private association, such as a sports league, is barred from restricting words and gestures. There is no right to engage in protests at the game. The owners and leagues have decided to indulge this behavior, but are not required to do so.

 

That aside, the players fail to see the obvious ramifications of the boundless free-expression right they demand for themselves. Their right to offend me is my right to tune them out.

 

Get it? I believe in freedom, including the players’ freedom. If the government tried to impose a law that said no kneeling during the national anthem, I’d support their opposition to it, no matter how repulsed I am by the gesture. The prudent exercise of freedom is our aspiration, maybe even our expectation, but it is not a constitutional mandate. I concede the players’ right to boycott, to protest, to kneel or otherwise display contempt during the national anthem. As long as you’re not inciting violence and lawlessness, you have the right to do those things.

 

But, again, I have rights, too. We’re not talking about the government suppressing the players’ right to dissent. We’re talking about the players’ arrogant presumption that their free-expression right includes entitlement to a captive audience — confident that progressive sports journos will ennoble the protesting players and shame any offended fans. In reality, I don’t have to support an athlete’s embrace of a politics I reject any more than I have to buy a copy of White Fragility.

 

I love sports. But the exhibition of sporting contests is just one thing out of many that I enjoy and that compete for my attention. If watching a game becomes an occasion for more irritation than joy, I can go read a book . . . or work out . . . or do a crossword puzzle . . . or watch a movie . . . or any of a thousand things I’d rather do than abide the invasion of a political agenda I detest into the space where I retreat from politics.

 

The athlete no longer wants to be our escape, no longer wants to create an experience where a community comes together to celebrate its love of sport and competition. The athlete now presumes to lecture us. The athlete now wants to begin the festivities not with a pitch or a kickoff but with a signal that lets everybody know he is aligned with one distinctive part of the community — the one that is hostile to many devoted fans, and to most anyone who is not an apparatchik.

 

The athlete has an undeniable right to do this. But rights don’t exist in a vacuum. They compete with the rights of others. Their exercise is not cost-free. When Bill de Blasio or Ilhan Omar tries to lecture me, I change the channel. When I arrive at something billed as a celebration only to find that it is a demonstration — especially one aimed at making me feel unwelcome — I leave. If you want an audience, you have to provide what the audience wants, not give the audience misgivings about staying.

 

Of course, we’re supposed to accept that the incantation of “black lives matter” as the claimed motive for offensive displays means there can be no valid misgivings about them. But see, the only people who believe that, or at least say they do, are the “social justice” charlatans — and, for the NBA, boycotting them makes about as much sense as would boycotting the league’s patrons in Communist China.

 

As a proposition, no decent person believes black lives do not matter. To believe otherwise would be as noxious as objecting to the equally valid proposition that all lives matter.

 

Why does the Left find “all lives matter” objectionable? Because when it invokes black lives matter, the Left is not really referring to the undisputed proposition that the lives of black people have dignity and worthiness equal to those of all people. With a nod and a wink, the Left is peddling Black Lives Matter, the Marxist, anti-American enterprise. The Left’s genius is the rapturous cypher. We are enticed or extorted into endorsing a shrewdly crafted catchphrase at face value — Black Lives Matter! Change! Choice! Living wage! Social justice! — and we’re expected to pretend that the slogan is not the wedge for a policy menu that its advocates dare not state plainly.

 

No one is saying athletes should not have social consciences or forums to express their political views. It is just that the game is not such a forum, not if they expect people to attend or tune in.

 

The modern athlete complains when that point is made. How precious. With their wealth and status, a million opportunities for social activism are open to athletes that are not open to ordinary people, who well know they have no right to demand that their private employers put up with the workplace’s conversion into a soapbox.

 

Off the field, there is a great deal that athletes can do to advance the causes they care about. LeBron James, to take one of many examples, has invested heavily in the education of at-risk children. He is to be applauded for giving back, for having skin in the game rather than just virtue signaling. And while I’d rather get a root canal than listen to LeBron bloviate about police reform, many people do care what he thinks, and his iconic station yields limitless media opportunities to tell them. He has earned that by combining incomparable talent with a superhuman work ethic. Still, if the price of admission to see him play is to endure his pregame antics, then I’d rather not. He has chosen, moreover, to make himself a politically polarizing figure, and there’s a deep popularity cost for that, too — which is not to be dismissed when you’re in pro sports, a popularity business.

 

There are too many aspects of life where we have to put up with the Left’s tireless badgering and its bleak portrayal of the country. But nobody has to watch sports. The NBA boycott, cheered by the media and thus trending through other sports leagues, is a bad idea. The pandemic has the players in a bubble. Each game is another chance to play before lots of empty seats. Another chance to acclimate to the future.

 

Trump Makes His Case

National Review Online

Friday, August 28, 2020

 

President Trump brought the Republican convention to a close with a night long on pageantry, and longer on words.

 

Trump’s acceptance speech went on for more than an hour. It bore more of a resemblance to a State of the Union address — a lengthy catalogue of goals and successes, as well as presidential recognition of people in the audience — than to a convention speech. All week, Trump shamelessly used his presidential powers and the White House itself to add drama to the convention, and last night was no different. He transformed the White House lawn into a substitute for the floor of convention hall, a misuse of that setting, although the White House was the third option for Trump’s speech after two other venues and cities didn’t work out. (A president hadn’t given an acceptance speech at the White House since FDR in 1940.)

 

Amid all the words and the Trumpian bluster, the speech hammered away at what will be the main lines of attacks against Biden in the fall: He can’t be trusted with the economy; he’s been in Washington forever and has a terrible record; he is a vessel of an increasingly radical Democratic Party; and he is soft on disorder and crime in the cities.

 

Biden and the Democrats left Trump and Republicans an enormous opening by not condemning looting and other violence in the cities at their convention, and the GOP, rightly, exploited it to the hilt.

 

A hallmark of this week’s convention was that the non-politician speakers were often more compelling than the politicians, and none more so than Ann Dorn. The widow of a retired police officer, David Dorn, killed in St. Louis after responding to looting at a friend’s pawn shop, she gave a wrenching account of her loss and a moving appeal for peace. The country would be in a better place if everyone took her words to heart.

 

The theme that ran throughout the GOP convention was that America is a great, lovely country that is being run down by a Left that believes it has been rotten to the core since the beginning. This is certainly true, from the 1619 Project to Black Lives Matter. Biden may not think this way, but many of his allies do. How he navigates between keeping the Democratic base engaged and energized and reassuring swing voters, especially on questions of law and order, will have much to do with whether this week will be remembered as the moment when President Trump began his comeback or not.

‘It’s Showing Up in the Polling’: CNN Hosts Worry Dems Will Face Electoral Consequences If They Don’t Address Rioting

By Tobias Hoonhout

Wednesday, August 26, 2020

 

CNN’s Don Lemon warned Democrats of electoral consequences if they fail to address the “blind spot” that’s prevented them from condemning the rioting that plagues the country nightly.

 

“I think Democrats are ignoring this problem, are hoping that it will go away. And it’s not going to go away,” Lemon remarked to fellow CNN host Chris Cuomo on Tuesday night.

 

Lemon went on to urge Biden to give a speech similar to the one Barack Obama delivered in 2015 following the death of Freddie Gray, in which the former president condemned the rioting in Baltimore.

 

“He’s got to come out and tell people that he is going to do deal with the issue of police reform in this country, and that what’s happening now is happening on Donald Trump’s watch, and when he is the president, Kamala Harris is the vice president, then they will take care of this problem. But guess what, the rioting has to stop,” Lemon stated. “Chris, as you know and I know, it’s showing up in the polls, it’s showing up in focus groups. It’s the only thing right now that’s sticking.”

 

Lemon’s warning came as violence in Kenosha, Wis. escalated for the third-straight night after police shot Jacob Blake, a local black man, in just the latest example of the political violence that’s raged across the country this summer.

 

Democrats were silent on the stark rise in violent crime across American cities during their four-day convention last week, with Chicago mayor Lori Lightfoot failing to mention the rampant looting that happened in her city earlier this month.

 

A recent Pew survey on the top issues in the 2020 election showed that 59 percent of voters consider dealing with violent crime “very important” to their vote — only three points less important than the coronavirus pandemic.

 

Lemon also condemned calls for defunding the police, saying that the “fringes” of the party still vocally calling for it was “starting to turn people off.”

 

“I’m going to say this and I know people don’t like it. Most black people don’t want police defunded. They don’t want fewer police there,” he stated. “What they want, they want more. And most communities of color in this country need police. They may need police more than white communities, okay?”

 

“There’s more crime,” Cuomo added.

 

The frank discussion came after businesses were looted and buildings were burned in Kenosha, leaving residents upset. But CNN had already tried to whitewash the unrest, removing a chyron on Tuesday that described the demonstrations as “violent.”

 

And later, a shooting early Wednesday morning left two dead and at least one injured after conflict erupted when armed citizens intent on protecting local businesses entered the area. The White House said Tuesday night that Wisconsin governor Tony Evers had declined an offer to send additional National Guard members to Kenosha

 

It also marks a stark turn from Lemon’s own commentary on the issue, including a July debate with actor Terry Crews over the Black Lives Matter movement. After Crews mentioned that “the Black Lives Matter movement has said nothing” about the recent deaths of African American children in shootings, Lemon countered that the two were separate issues, calling them “apples and oranges.”

 

“Black Lives Matter is about police brutality and about criminal justice. It’s not about what happens in communities when it comes to crime,” he argued. “People who live near each other, black people, kill each other. Same as whites . . . it happens in every single neighborhood.”

 

And in June, after wide swaths of New York City were looted, Cuomo used his show to empathize with the rioters.

 

“Please, show me where it says that protests are supposed to be polite and peaceful,” he said. “Because I can show you that outraged citizens are what made the country what she is and led to any major milestone. To be honest, this is not a tranquil time.”

Friday, August 28, 2020

The Fools of Kenosha

National Review Online

Thursday, August 27, 2020

 

‘Fools rush in.” Three centuries after they were written, those words ring as true as ever. And nowhere are they as relevant at present as in the case of Kenosha, Wis.

 

On Sunday, a black man named Jacob Blake was shot seven times by a police officer in Kenosha after Blake refused to comply with his orders. The details of what happened remain murky. We know that the cops were called in response to a complaint by a woman who claimed that Blake had taken her keys; we know that there was a warrant out for Blake that cited sexual assault, trespassing, and disorderly conduct; and we know that Blake had a knife “in his possession” at the time of the shooting. Beyond that, however, we remain largely in the dark. The nature of these cases depends heavily on the details, and, at the moment, those details are few and far between.

 

One would not know this by the reaction. Within hours of the video of the shooting hitting the Internet, the city of Kenosha was on fire. Cars were torched. Businesses were destroyed. A 71-year-old man was hit in the head with a concrete-filled plastic bottle, which fractured his jaw in two places. On Tuesday, a 17-year-old boy brought a rifle to the city, ostensibly to defend property, and ended up shooting two people dead — possibly in self-defense, possibly not. On Wednesday, the celebrities got involved. The NBA postponed all of its games, after a critical mass of players announced that they would not play. In baseball, games between the Brewers and Reds, Mariners and Padres, and Dodgers and Giants were postponed for the same reason. These adjournments drew praise from President Barack Obama, who explained that “it’s going to take all our institutions to stand up for our values.”

 

We might ask what that means. The move that inspired Obama was spearheaded by the Milwaukee Bucks, which put out a collective statement explaining their decision not to play. “We are calling for justice for Jacob Blake,” the team insisted, “and demand the officers be held accountable.” But therein lies the problem. Properly understood, “justice” is not an outcome but a process, and its achievement is wholly contingent upon the details of each case. We secure “justice” both when an innocent man walks free and when a guilty man is convicted. Determining which is which is the whole ball of wax. “Accountability” works much the same way. One can hold a person accountable only for wrongful actions they have actually taken.

 

And we do not know what happened in Kenosha.

 

Finding out will require time and patience and a lot of hard work — work that, by all accounts, is in the process of being done. The police in Kenosha are releasing the information that they have, and the government in Madison is conducting an investigation, while the local hospital is trying to save Jacob Blake’s life. There has been no coverup. Yesterday, the name of the cop who pulled the trigger was released to the public.

 

So why the rioting? We are told frequently these days that rioting represents the only course that many Americans have available to them. We reject this view entirely. Speaking to CNN, Jacob Blake’s mother explained that she and her family were “frankly disgusted” by what she was seeing. “As his mother,” she insisted, “please don’t burn up property and cause havoc and tear your own homes down in my son’s name. You shouldn’t do it, people shouldn’t do it anyway, but to use my child or any other mother or father’s child — our tragedy — to react in that manner, it’s just not acceptable.” We could not have put it better ourselves.

 

The best course of action remains the same today as it always has been: To wait for the facts before making demands; to insist upon a fair investigation, conducted without fear or favor; to ensure a sufficient police presence to control the streets; and, most important of all, to resist weaving every ugly incident into an all-encompassing worldview that, in the name of highlighting what is bad about America, serves to blot out all that is good.