By Jonah Goldberg
Friday, June 27, 2025
I keep hearing from fans of Zohran Mamdani and I can’t
even. My basic response is: Are we really doing this?
Mamdani, who won Tuesday’s Democratic primary for New
York City mayor, says he’s going to “resolve”
capitalism’s assault on dignity and inequality there when he assumes office.
Having successfully shepherded
a state bill to allow visitors to drink on the premises of Astoria’s Museum
of the Moving Image, who would dare doubt he’s up to the job?
I’m sorry, I understand it is fashionable to see Mamdani
as an answer to some profound questions or perceived crises about society,
economics, politics, etc. I get that some people are very sincere in their
hopes and admiration for this guy.
I just think you’re all wrong. Not a little wrong. Not
merely possibly wrong. But obviously, clearly, and foreseeably wrong.
On this, I have absolutely no doubt. If elected mayor,
Mamdani may not be a political failure (though I’d bet that way). But if you
think he has any chance of solving the problems with capitalism—as the left
defines them—or if you think he’s going to deliver some transformative epoch of
governance and equality, I think you’re just making a fool of yourself.
You people know that New York City residents can leave,
right? You get that the rich people he wants to make pay for All The Things can
leave pretty easily, right? In other words, the closer he gets to his idea of
success the more rapidly the people and businesses he needs to shake down to be
successful will leave.
I think Mamdani is a charming, glib guy with some heinous
positions on Israel and some dumb ones about economics. Indeed, he has
precisely the kinds of public policy answers I’d expect from an English major
from Bowdoin College. Mamadani was actually an Africana Studies major at
Bowdoin. So, close enough.
His proposals are mostly stupid
or naive on political or economic grounds—or both. He can’t do some of the
things he wants to do—because NYC mayors don’t have that power—and some things
he wants to do won’t work because they never do. It’s amazing how candidates of
“new ideas” never offer any. Rent freezes are not a new idea. Free public
transportation, nationalized utilities, government-owned grocery stores—these
aren’t new ideas, people. They only seem new if you don’t know or care about
the past or, really, public policy at all.
And that’s my real point. He’s just not a serious
candidate for the problems facing New York City or the country. But he makes
the people voting for him feel good. We’ve seen this before, of course. Barack
Obama promised the fundamental transformation of American society. His wife
even promised Obama would fix our broken souls, or
something.
How many souls got fixed during his two terms? Did we
ever get a final count?
Look, at some point people are going to have to realize
that voting for a candidate based on how he or she makes you feel is just a
really stupid way to run a country. We don’t hire mechanics or surgeons based
on how they make us feel. Some people do choose therapists or pastors based on
how they make them feel. And that should be a tell. Politicians are not
therapists or pastors, and there’s nothing they can do from Gracie Mansion or
the White House to fix your souls or psyches. If you want or need that, get
therapy or find God. Just don’t look for God in politics.
Notes on proceduralism.
Let’s change gears before I get really dyspeptic.
On Wednesday, I
wrote about how a lot of people in foreign policy care more about the
process than the purposes of the process. There were a couple of points I
wanted to get to that I didn’t.
The first point I wanted to make is that this tendency in
foreign policy has an analog in domestic policy. A lot of the reasons education
is so hard to reform—from the structure of the school day, to the way reading
is (or isn’t) taught, to school choice—is because a lot of people are invested
in the existing process more than they are in what the process was created to
do. As a bureaucratic and political reality, educating kids is a
second-order concern for a lot of the education establishment; the primary goal
is making sure the educators maintain their monopolies.
They won’t say so that often, but this is the basic
argument of the “Abundance
Democrats.” Their big hangup is with “proceduralism.”
They don’t see it so much in education, but they rightly
see the problem of proceduralism in housing—and infrastructure generally.
Now, proceduralism is just one of the fancy terms that,
more or less, refer to the same sorts of problems. Similar buzzphrases might
include “vetocracy” (Francis Fukuyama), “kludgeocracy” (Steve Teles), and
related concepts like “regulatory capture” (pioneered by George Stigler but
fleshed out by the whole Public Choice Theory crew). Most normal people call it
“red tape” (a term believed to originate with Spanish King Charles V’s practice
of wrapping important royal edicts and papers with a red ribbon. The practice
was adopted by the Brits, which is where we get the term).
The basic argument of the Abundance Dems is that
progressives have stymied the government’s ability to get stuff done because
progressives themselves have become addicted to checking bureaucratic boxes and
allowing interest groups and activists to clog the courts with claims of
insufficient box-checking. Law professor Nicholas Bagley calls this the
“procedure fetish.”
Now, a couple of things about this. First, I think the
Abundance Democrats should show a little character and flourish and borrow from
the Italians. Instead of “Abundance Democrats,” they should call themselves Abbondanza
Democrats! or Democratici dell’abbondanza—it just sounds better.
Maybe if Andrew Cuomo had leaned into that?
More importantly, speaking for three or four generations
of conservatives, libertarians, Public Choice economists, and, like, millions
of normal Americans, I just want to say, “We told you so.”
What I mean is, this obsession with procedure has been an
obvious problem for decades. And conservatives and libertarians have been
saying so for, well, decades. It wasn’t until housing and climate change became
such pressing issues that some wonks realized that maybe their team was the
problem—especially when places run by progressives have the hardest time getting
anything done.
But just for the record, Albert Jay Nock was railing
against the sclerotic and imperial burdens of bureaucracy
way back in the 1930s. Ludwig von Mises wrote a book about this stuff,
helpfully titled Bureaucracy,
in 1944. I’ll admit he could be a bit strident:
The champions of socialism call
themselves progressives, but they recommend a system which is characterized by
rigid observance of routine and by a resistance to every kind of improvement.
They call themselves liberals, but they are intent upon abolishing liberty.
They call themselves democrats, but they yearn for dictatorship. They call
themselves revolutionaries, but they want to make the government omnipotent.
They promise the blessings of the Garden of Eden, but they plan to transform
the world into a gigantic post office. Every man but one a subordinate clerk in
a bureau.
“Instead of Lincoln’s government ‘of the people, by the
people, and for the people,’” Milton Friedman wrote in Why
Government is the Problem, “we now have a government ‘of the people, by
the bureaucrats, for the bureaucrats.’”
I could go on, but you get the point.
I welcome the Abundance Dems recognizing that red tape,
NIMBYism, etc. are a problem. But I wish they read more of those guys quoted
above. The problem with economic planning isn’t primarily that it’s too hard
because of red tape. The chief problem with economic planning—even
super-efficient economic planning of the sort many of them crave—is that
economic planners get stuff wrong.
That said, I do agree that if we do decide to build a
road or power plant or rail project, it would be better to do it quickly and
efficiently rather than slowly and expensively. So you still get one-and-a-half
cheers from me for the Team Abbondanza!
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