By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, June 25, 2025
Although he was the socialist, anti-Zionist candidate for
mayor of America’s financial capital and the most Jewish city in the country,
Zohran Mamdani didn’t really campaign on those issues. Sure, he’d let the mask
slip on occasion — blaming the Jews for their slaughter on
October 7, for example, or allowing himself to ponder the penumbra of innocuous
meaning within the phrase “Globalize the Intifada.” But for the most part, he styled
himself as champion of two underserved groups of New Yorkers: black residents
and the poor.
That was the impetus for Mamdani’s plan to abolish
prisons and to defund the New York City police, replacing that force with a collection
of mediators and social workers — the impervious assumption that the city’s
black population is terribly vexed by local law enforcement. The plight of the
city’s black population was also the basis for the candidate’s plan to freeze
all rents. “Right now, a majority of New Yorkers give over more than 50 % of
their paycheck each month to either a landlord or a mortgage lender, and we
know that this crisis is at an even higher point when it comes to black New
Yorkers,” Mamdani told the New York Amsterdam News in March.
For lower-income residents, the candidate promised to
abolish bus fares and establish a network of state-run grocery stores.
Municipal-run grocers would be “focused on keeping prices low, not making a
profit,” the candidate’s campaign literature stressed. As our own Jeff Blehar observed, his mayor, Chicago’s
Brandon Johnson, launched a pilot program to see if the city government could
competently run a Soviet style “grocery initiative.” It was a colossal failure. Mamdani is likely to cite tiny
Erie, Kansas’s experiment with publicly funded grocers, which hasn’t gone
under, but still loses thousands of dollars annually and depends on the support
of private volunteers and donors to keep the lights on.
You might expect actual low-income voters and black
residents to be intimately familiar with their own causes and needs. If they
were inclined to respond to these overtures, we should have seen it in the
returns from last night’s Democratic primary for New York City mayor. But we
didn’t.
According to preliminary analyses of the city’s
Democratic primary electorate, Mamdani won his surprise victory with the
support of New York City’s white, Hispanic, and Asian voters. But not its black
voters. Andrew Cuomo won in the city’s majority black precincts by nearly 20
points. It was not nearly enough to push Cuomo past the finish line. As The Hill’s analysis observed, Mamdani “performed
decently” in “mixed black-Hispanic areas” and kept his “losses in black areas
to smaller amounts than expected.”
Indeed, these results reflect a dynamic forecast this
week by New York Times reporter Maya King, who observed that the flight of black residents
from the city’s historically black neighborhoods to more affordable climes was
likely to reshape the city’s politics. Indeed, “Just under half of black New
Yorkers identify as Latino, multiracial, foreign-born or some combination of
all three,” she observed. This might account for some of what we’re seeing in
last night’s results. Regardless, the will of the voters in the city who
identify as black was not reflected in the outcome of that primary race.
As for poorer New Yorkers, they, too, backed Cuomo by 13
points while middle- and higher-income residents supported Mamdani by double
digits. It is important to remember that, in New York City, “middle-income”
(which the Times defines as an annual income of between $62,800 and
$117,600) is a modest sum. And yet, the New Yorkers experiencing real penury
(by city standards) rejected Mamdani’s sops in large numbers.
These demographics seem to occupy so much space in
progressive imaginations, but only as abstractions. Progressives anoint
themselves the champions of the poor and darker-skinned, project onto those
demographics their own political priors, and insist that all their opponents
neither understand nor care about the oppressed and downtrodden whom they claim
to represent. Progressives’ rejection by the very people to whom they cater
almost never inspires any self-reflection. If the left asked itself why its program
of racial equity and income redistribution seems to appeal primarily to wealthy
white people — some of whom seem as desperate for a non-white avatar to lead
them as the alabaster remnants of the Symbionese Liberation Army — it might
inspire some cognitive dissonance. We certainly can’t have that.
“To me, Democratic socialism means that everyone has what
they need to live a dignified life,” Mamdani once said of his mid-20th-century
political philosophy. And yet, the people who believe they will experience the
full brunt of Mamdani’s policies — a sound assumption given how often they are
told as much — aren’t buying it. That should tell us something.
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