Friday, April 26, 2024

Mr. Trump in Court

By Kevin D. Williamson

Friday, April 26, 2024

 

Todd Blanche, one of the unhappy attorneys defending Donald Trump in one of the criminal actions against him, insisted this week the former president deserves to continue to be called “President Trump” out of respect, that this is something the former game-show host and quondam pornographer “has earned.” That is pure drivel, of course, but Trump, who has a thing about titles, has insisted for years that employees and sycophants continue calling him “President Trump.”

 

The continued use of the title “president” before Trump’s name is, of course, a violation of republican norms. We do not have aristocratic titles in the United States—we have job titles, and we have only one president at a time. (Goodness knows one is enough.) Trump isn’t the first ex-president to cling pathetically to the title, though Trump’s insistence takes on a special valence because he also insists that he is the rightfully elected president and attempted to stage a coup d’état in 2021 to hold onto the office. So there is more at work here than etiquette. 

 

But let’s talk about the etiquette a little bit. 

 

The legend of George Washington was modeled on that of Cincinnatus, the Roman hero who personified republican virtue. Cincinnatus was a poor patrician who was made dictator during a time of national emergency and, as soon as the danger had passed, returned to his farm—“back to his plow,” as the story goes—even though his term in office had not expired. It did not matter to Cincinnatus that he could have continued in office for a few more months and that doing so might have been financially rewarding—the question of what Cincinnatus was entitled to was entirely secondary to the question of what his country required from him. That is what real patriotism looks like in action.

 

Trump fancies himself a kind of American royal. You may recall that before and during his visit to the United Kingdom in 2019, Trump suggested that the younger British royals should hold a “next generation” summit with the Trump children, as though the Trump brats were something like princes rather than reality-television grotesques. The idea of a hereditary Trump aristocracy is particularly galling to those of us who are old enough to remember that one of the arguments put forward for Trump in 2016 was that nominating him would help to put an end to dynastic politics in the United States in an era when the leading figures included Trump’s primary rival Jeb Bush, son of one former president and brother of another, and Democratic nominee Hillary Rodham Clinton, the much-abused wife of a former president. And what happened? In 2024, we have a Trump as co-chair of the RNC while Uday and Qusay continue lingering herpetically around the orifices of the body politic. 

 

An aristocrat is nothing without a title, and the one Trump really favors is “baron,” which was both the name of the imaginary friend he invented to lie to the New York Post about his sex life (which is a totally normal and not at all obviously insane thing to do) and the name of his youngest son. In the United States, we have had steel barons and newspaper barons and even robber barons, but, alas, there are no baronages for reality television programs or for selling cheap polyester ties and knockoff watches at Macy’s. We have had cattle barons, but Trump Steaks were too far downstream to make him a baron. And since Trump Steaks went out of business two months after its launch—who could have guessed that selling meat via QVC would go bust?—the title would not have been an ancient one. 

 

But it takes more than a title to make an aristocrat. The American “natural aristocrat” is not a figment of Thomas Jefferson’s rich political imagination, and we have had a few. Some of them are famous and wealthy, some of them are very cultured, and—this is why I am forgoing names here—few of them enjoy public praise or attention, though many of them are public men by necessity. They tend to have very good manners, and by that I do not mean knowing which fork to use for which course but the talent for making other people feel valued, honored, and at ease. They can do that because they have no reason to be jealous of their own positions—they can be generous with grace and applause for the same reason a very wealthy man can be generous with money: They are not worried about running out. Donald Trump is, to say the least, not one of these. He is the very opposite type, the man who needs to be “the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral.” Strange that he doesn’t seem to be enjoying his trial more. 

 

The title business can get comical. We get vitriolic denunciations of the Chinese Communist Party from a legislator who insists on calling himself Chairman Smith. Newt Gingrich is still “Mr. Speaker” to the dinosaurs on Fox News, although he held the office in a prior century—he left the speakership before Ice Spice had even been born! Nikki Haley is still “ambassador,” as though she were an envoy from some faraway planet where Republicans didn’t suck quite so badly. 

 

And so Trump will insist that he is “Mr. President.” P01135809 suited him better, and something along those lines may await him still.

Tom Cotton Is Right. Again

By Noah Rothman

Thursday, April 25, 2024

 

There’s something about Senator Tom Cotton that drives his critics to madness. That condition becomes particularly acute when he’s obviously correct. Indeed, Cotton’s correctness maintains a directly proportional relationship with the degree to which he compels his detractors to abandon their good sense.

 

The latest example of this phenomenon comes to us via Mediaite’s Michael Luciano, who accused the senator of indulging in “hysteria” in his recent comments about the ongoing convulsion of nominally anti-Israel but functionally pro-terrorist demonstrations on some of America’s most elite college campuses.

 

“Whatever scant coverage these abominations were receiving in the U.S. press has been supplanted by abject hysteria about anti-Semitism supposedly running amok on college campuses – particularly Columbia University,” Luciano wrote. He accuses the press of promulgating lurid tales of protesters shrieking xenophobic attacks at their Jewish classmates, some of which “did not actually occur on campus.”

 

True enough. When, for example, Jewish students were attacked at Tulane University last year for objecting to the burning of an Israeli flag, leaving one traumatized student to reflect on the “Jewish blood on my hands,” defenders of the current campus culture were quick to note the event occurred just outside the campus’s property line. Presumably, those who raise this objection believe it to be indisputably dispositive of . . . something.

 

But this was not Cotton’s sole offense. In what became an indictment of the Israeli government and the “war crimes” he believes it has committed — the lack of evidence notwithstanding — Luciano attacked the senator for indulging in hyperbole.

 

“I do agree that if Eric Adams won’t send the NYPD to protect these Jewish students, if Kathy Hochul won’t send the National Guard, Joe Biden has a duty to protect these Jewish students from what is a nascent pogrom on these campuses,” Cotton told Fox News this week. “These are scenes like you’ve seen out of the 1930s in Germany. They should never be witnessed or tolerated here in America in 2024.”

 

To give you some clue as to how far gone Cotton’s prosecutor is, Luciano attributes Cotton’s rhetorical excesses to the hothouse atmosphere cultivated as much by Fox as the New York Times. Regardless, it was that “absurd” phrase — “nascent pogrom” — that seemed to set Luciano off. But it’s Cotton who has the firmer grasp on events here. The only thing “absurd” about the senator’s remark was his judicious decision to append “nascent” to his assessment of what America is witnessing on our campuses.

 

The Russian word “pogrom” refers to an organized effort to displace Jewish populations from the spaces in which they reside by force. That is precisely what we’ve seen on far too many college campuses since the October 7 attack.

 

That’s what we saw at Cooper Union, where a braying mob of what we’ve been assured are only anti-Israel protesters threw themselves at the doors of a library in which a handful of Jewish students took refuge. Chanting “globalize the intifada,” in reference to the outbreaks of violence that targeted Israeli civilians with murder, the demonstrators terrorized their Jewish colleagues and compelled them to evacuate their refuge under guard. The Jewish students are suing their school for “being locked in a campus library to shield them from an unruly mob of students that was calling for the destruction of Israel and worldwide violence against Jews.”

 

Similar language could be used to describe the successful effort to scare Jews away from campus facilities at Cornell University. Following an outbreak of threats to “shoot up,” rape, and slash the throats of Jewish students on campus by pseudonymous harassers calling themselves “hamas,” “jew evil,” “jew jenocide,” “hamas warrior,” and “kill jews,” the school threw up its hands. Cornell advised its Jewish matriculants to avoid the campus’s Kosher dining hall lest they risk bodily harm. Of course, those students heeded their school’s warning.

 

“What shocked me the most,” said one witness to Rutgers University’s conciliatory attitude toward its agitated pro-Hamas contingent, “was the fact that the Jews attending the town hall were escorted out by police, not the individuals protesting and breaking the rules.” The event that so enraged the anti-Jewish protesters was only a banal effort by university president Jonathan Holloway to hold an event in which students could ask questions about the war in Gaza and the school’s approach to it. “Before he was able to answer a single one, anti-Israel protesters unleashed chaos,” Zach Kessel reported for NR.

 

And at Columbia, host to the recent spasm of anti-Jewish sentiment that led Cotton to call for reinforcements, the threat of violent antisemitism has forced many Jewish students off campus. The activists who called Jews “inbred,” demanded they “go back to Poland,” and chanted “Burn Tel Aviv to the ground” and “Go Hamas, we love you, we support your rockets, too” somehow managed to convince their Jewish colleagues that they meant business. Columbia administrators appeared to agree. It facilitated their flight to the shadows by moving classes to a “hybrid” setting so Jews could continue to study out of the sight of their tormentors.

 

These and many more incidents like them suggest the rabble’s aim is to harass and intimidate Jews into hiding. The college administrations that have catered to this mob have assisted in the evacuation of their Jewish populations to safer redoubts. We can call this many things, but Russian linguists already provided us with one descriptive word for it. It’s a fine word, and its use in this context is woefully appropriate.

 

So, too, is Cotton’s outraged response to what we’re witnessing. His critics object not to the senator’s accurate assessment of what we’re all seeing but the fact that his indictment of both the mobs and their coddlers on America’s campuses also impeaches those who would tolerate these grotesque displays. If those who would defend these menacing hordes cannot separate their anti-Israel advocacy from calls for violence against Jews, why should Senator Cotton? Indeed, why should any of us?

 

Cotton was as correct today as he was in 2020, when he called for the deployment of the National Guard to the American cities besieged by violent rioters — a call that led left-wing activists to purge from the New York Times masthead anyone who dared countenance Cotton’s advocacy. The Left would have been better served had it taken his advice in 2020, and it would do well to heed his admonitions today. The only “hysteria” to which we are privy is the sort on display from those who don’t want to recognize the true nature of the mobs to whom they’ve ceded America’s colleges.

 

Posterity vindicated Cotton once already. We don’t have to wait for the verdict of history to prove him right again.

Don’t Columbia My Texas

By Daniel J. Samet

Friday, April 26, 2024

 

Student radicals and outside agitators who had watched university administrators capitulate to mob tactics at Columbia, Yale, and other universities thought they could get away with the same antics in Texas. Boy were they wrong.

 

When pro-Hamas protesters descended upon the University of Texas at Austin (UT) on Wednesday, they did not have the free rein to disrupt campus life that they’ve enjoyed elsewhere. Instead, they were met with a massive show of force that should serve as an example to other schools struggling to quell unauthorized protests on their campuses.

 

The Palestine Solidarity Committee’s Austin chapter organized Wednesday’s event. The group called for students to walk out of class at 11:40 a.m. and then “occupy” the campus’ South Lawn until after 7:00 p.m. Protesters were to follow “the footsteps of our comrades at Columbia” while establishing “the Popular University for Gaza,” the group wrote on Instagram. It was a brazen act of lawlessness meant to take over campus so protesters could glorify terrorism and spread blood libels against the Jewish people. Any and all universities committed to keeping their students safe cannot let such things go ahead.

 

UT made clear beforehand that it would not let the protesters have their way. The protest “has declared intent to violate our policies and rules, and disrupt our campus operations,” UT’s Office of the Dean of Students told the Palestine Solidarity Committee in a letter on Tuesday. It added: “The University of Texas at Austin will not allow this campus to be ‘taken’ and protesters to derail our mission in ways that groups affiliated with your national organization have accomplished elsewhere.” The letter stated that students who did not comply could be suspended and arrested. UT’s line in the sand was unambiguous.

 

Hundreds of protestors came anyway, bringing tents in hopes of replicating the scenes at Columbia. Many assumed the university would buckle rather than make good on its warning. But UT showed commendable backbone. A small army of state troopers clad in riot gear, as well as other law-enforcement officials, were there to greet the protest. Their presence wasn’t just for show. According to the Travis County Sherrif’s Office, 57 protesters were arrested. UT took such swift and decisive action that it put down the protest within hours. This stands in marked contrast with the encampments that other schools have allowed to proliferate for days. “UT Austin does not tolerate disruptions of campus activities or operations like we have seen at other campuses,” the school said in a separate statement.

 

Governor Greg Abbott deserves great credit for not surrendering to mob rule. On March 27, he issued an executive order to combat antisemitism in higher education. “Texas supports free speech, especially on university campuses, but that freedom comes with responsibilities for both students and the institutions themselves,” the executive order read. “Such speech can never incite violence, encourage people to violate the law[,] harass other students or other Texans, or disrupt the core educational purpose of a university.”

 

Obviously the UT protest intended to do just that. Whereas elected officials in other states have hemmed and hawed, Governor Abbott acted forcefully to stop the madness. “Arrests being made right now & will continue until the crowd disperses,” he wrote on X. “Antisemitism will not be tolerated in Texas. Period.”

 

UT president Jay Hartzell should be similarly applauded for not going wobbly in the manner of Columbia University president Minouche Shafik. “Our University will not be occupied,” Hartzell wrote in an email defending the crack-down sent to the UT community on Wednesday night.

 

As of this writing, a large group of students and faculty, joined by Congressman Greg Casar, had walked out of class on Thursday to denounce the law enforcement response as well as Israel. Organizers presented to their progressive fellows a list of pie-in-the-sky demands, including UT’s divestment from “companies complicit in the Israeli genocide of Gaza,” “complete amnesty” for protesters, and Hartzell’s resignation. Good luck there. UT posted notices Thursday informing protesters that they must be non-disruptive and disperse by 10:00 p.m. We’ll see what happens, but UT knows what to do if they don’t comply.

 

At a time when so many institutions of higher education haven’t maintained order, it is nice to see that some still can. Protesters must face consequences when they violate university rules. Fail to impose costs, and you get chaos. Weak leaders like Minouche Shafik haven’t learned this foundational lesson.

 

“Don’t California my Texas” is a common refrain from Lone Star State residents who worry their new neighbors will import the progressive policies they’ve fled. This week’s events in Austin show that at the very least, Texas won’t be turned into Columbia.

The Road to Stagflation Is Paved with Bidenomics

National Review Online

Friday, April 26, 2024

 

The first-quarter GDP report disappointed, with annualized growth at only 1.6 percent. At the same time, core PCE inflation, the measure the Fed prefers over the CPI, was 3.7 percent year over year. That’s nearly double the Fed’s long-run target of 2 percent. It’s a good market principle not to react too strongly to one quarter’s numbers, and bond investors seem to have focused more on the PCE data (which reinforced existing fears on inflation and cast another shadow over hopes of rate cuts) than on the GDP report. Yields on ten-year Treasuries went up above 4.7 percent.

 

Despite low unemployment and reasonably strong growth in 2023, the federal government has continued to deficit spend as though the U.S. is in the depths of a massive recession. That spending, and the tranches of debt issuance that accompany it, crowds out private economic activity. It dries up private access to capital and increases pressure on interest rates, which pushes up borrowing costs for businesses looking to build and expand and for individuals looking to buy cars and homes.

 

It also adds inflationary pressure to the economy, which the Fed is supposed to counteract with higher interest rates. Fiscal policy continues to work against monetary policy. The money supply as measured by M2 began to decline in April 2022 as the Fed tightened. It has since flattened out. The long and variable lags of monetary policy might mean that the decline in economic performance one would expect from such a decline in the money supply is finally starting.

 

Yet inflation remains persistent, stuck between 3 percent and 3.8 percent year over year, as measured by the CPI, every month since June 2023. That means it will be hard for the Fed to justify rate cuts while also fulfilling its price-stability mandate from Congress.

 

Expect pressure on the Fed, especially from Democrats, to increase in the coming months as elections approach. They will likely demand rate cuts and blame the Fed for wrecking an economy that is less healthy than some assume. More progressive Democrats, such as Senator Elizabeth Warren, have already spoken of Jerome Powell as a cartoon villain for years.

 

Democrats wanted to spike the football last year, celebrating “Bidenomics” when growth numbers were looking good. Now they have all but banished the term, while free-market advocacy group Americans for Prosperity has bought the web domain bidenomics.com to explain why government-led growth isn’t all it’s cracked up to be.

 

They point out that overall prices are up 19.4 percent since Biden took office, and though nominal wages have increased, cumulative inflation over the same period has meant real hourly wages have slightly declined. Meanwhile the higher interest rates needed to squeeze out inflation aren’t just bad for Americans as home buyers. They are bad for Americans as taxpayers, with interest on the debt costing more than the defense budget last year.

 

The cornerstones of Biden’s economic policy have all been government-based: the infrastructure law, the CHIPS Act, the American Rescue Plan Act, and the so-called Inflation Reduction Act. Together (and, indeed, individually) they represent a massive injection of government spending — and with it, government control — into the U.S. economy. The president wants to pair these moves with tax hikes targeting investment, such as a new tax on unrealized capital gains, which would only discourage the private investment that will be needed if the country is to have any chance of growing its way out of its debt trap.

 

Not too much importance should be attached to one quarter’s numbers, but they still can be seen as a warning of what to expect from an economic policy that puts government in the driver’s seat while, to mix metaphors, throwing private initiative under the (electric) bus.

Thursday, April 25, 2024

Gaslighting in Defense of Bigotry

By Jonah Goldberg

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

“Go back to Poland!”

 

I’m trying to practice what I preach. I tell people that we shouldn’t nutpick: Don’t take the worst examples of one side and claim they’re representative of everybody you disagree with. Don’t let the trolls manipulate you. And my advice doesn’t end there. I often say you shouldn’t let frustration with the media overwhelm you. Also, don’t catastrophize, and don’t let recency bias lead you to think everything is worse than ever. Don’t let your anger get the better of you.   

 

But when I hear pro-terrorist radicals shout “Go back to Poland!” and see so many shrug it off,  it is difficult for me to follow my own advice. So I’m going to try to work calmly through all of the reasons I find it so difficult to maintain my composure. 

 

Let’s start with “Go back to Poland.”

 

Of all the insults hurled at Jews lately, this might seem a weird one to be triggered by. But I find it more infuriating than the other stuff, including even the endorsements of October 7 and the calls for more mass rape and slaughter. Which is not to say I don’t find those incitements infuriating, too. 

 

But “Go back to Poland!” combines, in just four words, an ocean of evil and hypocrisy. I don’t know if the masked bigot in the video linked from that quote is a student or an “outside agitator,” but he is, judging from his accent, an immigrant. I suppose he could be a tourist, but I assume not. The “idea” behind “Go back to Poland” is no Jew is indigenous to Israel. They are all East European Jews that, in the wake of World War II, became settler-colonizers of “Palestinian” land—and therefore they should go back to where they came from. In the context of Israel, it’s a common trope. Helen Thomas, the bitter, wildly biased, Israel-hating, former “dean of the White House press corps” infamously said that Israelis should all go back to Poland and Germany. Now, I reviled Helen Thomas and make no apologies for it, but in her defense, she was at least referring to Israelis she believed had stolen “Palestine” from Arabs. This guy is yelling at American Jews to go back to Poland (and, oddly, Tel Aviv). In other words, he wants America (or New York or Columbia) to be Judenrein.

 

Think about that. An immigrant to the United States thinks Jews have no place in a country where Jews have lived since before its founding. I have all sorts of problems with nativists, but there’s something particularly appalling about a newcomer shouting, in effect, “Go back to where you came from.” I mean, given how much “death to America” talk is swirling out there as well, I’m going to take a flier and say this guy is not making an “America: Love it or Leave it” argument either. 

 

Then there’s the specific issue of Poland. It’s true that Poland was once a relative safe haven for Jews. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was hailed as Paradisus Judaeorum—paradise or heaven for Jews because it was one of the few places in Europe where Jews were safe and free. Jews were chased out of their communities by Christians or Muslims and, later, out of Russia starting with the reign of Catherine the Great. 

 

Even by then Poland had started to become less hospitable. Persecution of Polish Jews started with the religious upheavals of the Reformation. But things got worse in the 20th century. Ninety percent of Polish Jews—some 3 million men, women, and children—were murdered in the Holocaust (most of the remaining Jews were effectively pushed out during the anti-Zionist campaign of 1968-1969). Declaring “go back to ground zero of the Holocaust” is, to speak plainly, evil. 

 

Now, it’s fair to say that making too much of one isolated incident is precisely the kind of nutpicking or argument-by-anecdote I normally decry. And if that was all that was going on here, I’d agree. But in the broader context, I think it’s more significant. 

 

For starters, it’s not isolated. I’m open to the idea that it’s less representative than critics claim. But much of the media coverage and reaction from the progressive base of the Democratic Party often sounds like it’s either completely unrepresentative or flat-out isn’t happening. Some significant fraction of these protesters is obviously antisemitic, and attempts to deny that obvious truth amounts to gaslighting—gaslighting in defense of bigotry. 

 

And this gets me to the issue of hypocrisy. I have written dozens of columns criticizing the logic of critical race theoryanti-racismstructural racism, sexism, etc. But by the logic of the people pushing such ideas, a much larger portion of the protesters are objectively antisemitic, even if unintentionally so. 

 

Until recently, the standard for “hate speech” was profoundly subjective. The intent of the speaker was a secondary consideration to the feelings of the offended. If someone felt “hurt” or “aggressed”  by a statement, that was enough to declare the statement offensive. That’s why higher education and the diversity industry have spent so much time and effort coming up with speech codes and replacement euphemisms for offensive words. Yale replaced the term “master” with “head of college” because the word “master” conjures associations with slavery, even though no one intended any such connotation. Realtors have moved away from “master bedroom” for the same reason. The examples are endless and not just from the fringe. Joe Biden recently got in trouble for using the word “illegal” to describe an immigrant who was here illegally. Obviously, I could give you dozens more examples. 

 

But the point is that vile and intentionally offensive language about Jews is considered fair or defensible comment on free speech grounds. Obviously, I think the free speech argument has merit. But you cannot invoke it in good faith if in the past you defended linguistic legerdemain and bureaucratic and journalistic enforcement of newspeak on the grounds that the eye of the beholder or the ear of the offended is what determines hate speech or offensive language. If writing “blind study” is harmful speech, holding a sign saying that Jewish Columbia students are Hamas’ “next target” for rape and murder has to qualify as harmful speech. You can retreat to the claim that anti-Zionist speech isn’t the same as antisemitic speech, and sometimes that’s true, but not when any Jew on campus who doesn’t join the mob is deemed to be a Zionist. And not when the standard is supposed to be the feelings of the target of the speech. 

 

Also, just to be clear. There is absolutely nothing offensive about being a Zionist. I know a lot of people have committed a lot of man-hours—sorry, person hours—to the claim that Zionism is racist, Nazi, etc. I think being a communist is terrible. Communists killed exponentially more innocent people than Israel is even alleged to have killed. But the Columbia faculty members marching in solidarity with the students and the journalists fawning over them would be the first to void their bowels and bladders in terror and outrage over the “McCarthyism” and “fascism” of mobs chanting the need to purge and harass communists wherever you find them.  

 

Second, as I argued earlier this week on CNN, the debate over what constitutes antisemitism is increasingly a distraction from a more salient point. When you wave a Hezbollah flag, praise Hamas, and say things like, “Never forget the 7th of October,” and, “That will happen not one more time, not five more times, not 10 more times, not 100 more times, not 1,000 more times, but 10,000 times!” the question of whether you’re an antisemite distracts from the plain fact of logic that you are an open supporter of terrorism. Protesters are shouting “Globalize the Intifada!” What does that mean if not “take the fight to Jews, everywhere”? The National Students for Justice in Palestine openly declares that campus protests are exercises in solidarity with the terrorists who murdered, raped, tortured, and kidnapped civilians in Israel and that, “We as Palestinian students in exile are PART of this movement, not in solidarity with this movement.” They go on:

 

Liberation is not an abstract concept. It is not a moment circumscribed to a revolutionary past as it is often characterized. Rather, liberating colonized land is a real process that requires confrontation by any means necessary. In essence, decolonization is a call to action, a commitment to the restoration of Indigenous sovereignty. It calls upon us to engage in meaningful actions that go beyond symbolism and rhetoric. Resistance comes in all forms — armed struggle, general strikes, and popular demonstrations. All of it is legitimate, and all of it is necessary.

 

Condemning terrorism is supposed to be the easy part. For years, anti-Israel activists at least did that much. Now, the mask is off. And even the most “enlightened” of them feel compelled to say they “condemn terrorism, but …”

 

As accurate as I think it would be to describe the sloganeers and chanters as pro-terrorism, that’s obviously too much to ask of the mainstream media, which is not merely biased in favor of the protesters and their cause but is biased toward left-wing protesters generally. So I can live with describing the protesters as “pro-Palestinian” even though I think what animates many of them is better described as “anti-Israel.” 

 

But the common label “anti-war” is propaganda. They are pro-war

 

Openly declaring, in chant form or otherwise, that Israel must be Judenrein by any means necessary, is an open call for war, not peace. Because the only way to “liberate” Israel from the river to the sea is war. Pretending that “from the river to the sea” is a call for a two-state solution is a lie. That’s not the position of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, SJP, and pretending otherwise is to volunteer as a media praetorian for people who plainly declare they are pro-genocide. And since Israelis are opposed to the genocide of the Jews, they will wage war to prevent it, as they must. 

 

Whether on campus or off, if you cheer “Iran, you make us proud!” when Iran opens a new front in the war on Israel, you are not anti-war. When you defend Hamas’ slaughter but denounce Israel’s response as genocide—even before Israel responds—you aren’t for a ceasefire, you’re against Israel firing back. When you cheer the Houthis for attacking Israel, you are not anti-war. Nor are you pro-American. The official slogan Houthi slogan is ”God Is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews, Victory to Islam.” That is about as succinct a summation of a pro-war, pro-terrorism, antisemitic, anti-American, and theocratically totalitarian worldview as can be crafted. I write often about how I’m a both-sides-er in my contempt for the fringes of both parties. But I’m not a both-sides-er on this. One side is wrong and one side is right. Anything else is gaslighting in defense of evil—and in defense of America’s terrorist enemies. 

 

I have openly condemned and denounced bigotry on the right because it’s the morally necessary thing to do. But that obscures the fact that it is politically and culturally necessary for conservatives and Republicans to do so. Republican politicians are constantly asked to denounce racist or antisemitic rhetoric from the right. Where is a similar demand on the left? To be clear, it does happen. On Monday, Biden was asked to do so. And he did. “I condemn the antisemitic protests,” Biden said. “That’s why I’ve set up a program to deal with that. I also condemn those who don’t understand what’s going on with the Palestinians.”

 

That program was set up explicitly to deal with the antisemitism of the sort seen in Charlottesville. Here’s the first paragraph of the White House’s National Strategy to Counter Anti-Semitism:

 

Six years ago, Neo-Nazis marched from the shadows through Charlottesville, Virginia, chanting, “Jews will not replace us.” With torches in hand, they spewed the same antisemitic bile and hate that were heard across Europe in the 1930s. What happened in Charlottesville—the horror of that moment, the violence that followed, and the threat it represented for American democracy— drove me to run for President. The very soul of our Nation was hanging in the balance. It still is today.

 

This idea that the antisemitism, allegedly encouraged and condoned by Donald Trump, threatened the “very soul of our nation” was Biden’s stated reason for running for president in 2020 in the first place. The antisemitism in Charlottesville was abhorrent and grotesque. So is the antisemitism of Hamas and its domestic defenders. But I don’t hear a lot of talk about the “soul of the nation” being threatened. I hear a lot more talk about how the election results in Michigan hangs in the balance. 

 

It’s fine to discuss the political reality the president faces. Heck, that’s a big part of what I do for a living. But as with the college presidents eager to demonstrate their moral clarity and courage when it aligns with their institutional interests, but who opt to vomit a sludge of false equivalences and euphemisms when moral clarity and courage are inconvenient, this American president is happy to show spinal steel condemning a bunch of bigoted chuds with tiki torches, but is desperate to show spinal flexibility when it comes to far more numerous bigots in his own coalition. 

 

And much of the media is only too eager to help him.

Trump Is Now Whomever His Critics and Backers Need Him to Be

By Charles C. W. Cooke

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

It is fitting, perhaps, that a man who launched his reelection campaign by transmuting himself into a series of gaudy nonfungible tokens would eventually be transformed into an avatar. Donald Trump has long served as a Rorschach Test, but, as he heads undeterred into his third bid for the presidency, he has become something more protean besides. At this stage, there are thousands of Trumps, each tailored to the predilections of the observer. Trump is a myth, an archetype, an emblem. How can it be that a country full of people who speak the same language cannot agree on the elementary facts that attach to the man? Simple: Because each involved in the debate has pulled a different trading card from an increasingly extensive pack.

 

Take the question of Trump’s involvement in the recent bill that provided $60 billion in military aid to Ukraine. There, the plain details are these: Rather than emphatically oppose further funding for Ukraine, Donald Trump submitted that “Ukrainian survival and strength . . . is also important to us”; rather than attempt to sink it behind the scenes, Trump contrived the idea that the aid should be cast as a “loan” — an idea that was adopted, and that proved crucial to its passage; rather than criticize Speaker Mike Johnson for his role in shepherding the package through the House, Trump said publicly that Johnson is a “good person” and “a good man,” who is “trying very hard.” Given his previous rhetoric, it is unclear precisely why Trump did and said these things, but do and say them he most decidedly, indisputably, unequivocally did.

 

Or, at least, the real Donald Trump mostly decidedly, indisputably, unequivocally did. The fictionalized versions of Trump did whatever those writing about him needed him to do. Thus far, two fabricated variations of the man have emerged. One, as contrived by his enemies, fought desperately against more help for Ukraine. The other, as contrived by his fans, did nothing worthy of critique. And never the twain shall meet.

 

Playing helplessly to type, a bunch of the writers at the Bulwark chose to interrogate the ersatz anti-Ukraine-aid rendition of the man. To this end, A. B. Stoddard proposed yesterday that, “to Trump,” the Ukraine funding that Speaker Johnson had secured was “an abomination”; recorded that a bunch of Republicans had “dared to contradict Trump’s worldview, to side with Biden, to defend Ukraine, and to make Putin mad”; and promised that “Trump will make Johnson pay for his Ukraine defiance.” This morning, Bill Kristol echoed this line of thought in a report — headlined “Congress Pokes Trump, Putin in Eye” — that made no attempt to hide that it had been written backwards from its foreordained conclusion:

 

Some will hasten to say that Trump didn’t speak up as clearly as he might have against the aid package, that he made it somewhat easier for Republicans in Congress to vote as they did. There’s some truth to this. Still, Trump hasn’t budged in any fundamental way from the anti-Ukraine, pro-Putin, and anti-NATO stance that he’s embraced for years. So the congressional vote couldn’t help but be a statement of independence from Trump.

 

If you find this persuasive, I do not know what to say to you.

 

Moving onto more comfortable ground, Kristol went on to note that “many Republican elected officials will do their best to paper over this difference” — and, about that, they are absolutely right. To his fans and apologists, the correctness of Donald Trump has become an unfalsifiable proposition. When Trump stands on principle, it is taken as evidence that he, and he alone, is capable of transcending the cynical political calculations that have supposedly made the GOP so weak. And when Trump engages in cynical political calculations, it is seen as confirmation that he, unlike the dogmatic, inflexible, ideology-driven Republican establishment, knows what it takes to win. Stances that yield accusations of “betrayal” for anyone else are adopted, forgiven, or simply ignored when Trump adopts them. Questions that are Manichaean in all other contexts become nuanced the very moment that they are answered unsatisfactorily by Trump. His flaws are unavoidable. His decisions will be explicable in good time. If only the Tsar knew what was happening!

 

At American Greatness yesterday, the staff compiled a list of “heroes” who “said ‘no’ to the Ukraine Aid Bill.” Necessarily, the post contains a list of enemies in turn — a list that includes Joe Biden (who apparently covets a “Forever War in Ukraine”) and “House Speaker Mike Johnson” (who is knocked for his “relentless effort to bring the funding package to a vote”) — but mentions Trump only in passing, as part of a passively voiced afterword that explains without comment, blame, or judgment that any attempt to remove the gavel from Johnson’s hands might end up being complicated by “former president Trump’s very public backing of the embattled House Speaker.”

 

It does not take a literary critic to discern the problem here. If Mike Johnson is “embattled” because he has contravened the wishes of America’s “heroes,” and Donald Trump is “very publicly backing” that same Mike Johnson, then what ought we conclude about Donald Trump? To an honest observer, the answer is obvious: That Trump — who has far more influence than the average backbench representative — ought to be criticized for his role in bringing about an eventuality that American Greatness abhors. But that, clearly, isn’t an option, and so, like the writers at the Bulwark, the staff of American Greatness must replace the messy and incoherent reality of Trump with a cartoon symbol of Trump, onto whom their childish political neuroses can be projected in primary colors at the expense of nothing less important than the truth.

Expel, Don’t Arrest

By Michael Brendan Dougherty

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

Compact magazine editor Matthew Schmitz looks at the documents uncovered by our own Abigail Anthony and comes to the exact right conclusion. These activists do not fear arrest. They assume no charges will be filed, and the romance of getting cuffed and gently dragged around by police enhances their credibility as activists. It’s a romantic adventure:



But their status as approved students of one of the most prestigious universities in America does matter to them. They are counting on activists on the disciplinary board to save them. Make sure it can’t happen.