Wednesday, May 31, 2023

The Rank Bigotry of ‘Karen’-Shaming

By Wilfred Reilly

Wednesday, May 31, 2023

 

Earlier this month, we citizens saw another seemingly irrelevant story of local racial conflict trend nationwide.

 

A Caucasian New York City nurse/physician’s assistant, Sarah Comrie, found herself dubbed “Citi Bike Karen,” after a young black man alleged that she had tried to take one of the big-city rental bikes from him during a brief street scuffle. From what I can piece together of the teenager’s story, he claimed that he had paid for the bike and that an angry and exhausted Comrie — who was six months pregnant and had just completed a twelve-hour shift — attempted to jack it from him and a group of several of his friends.

 

This claim appears to have been simply believed verbatim, at face value. Following the release of a cellphone video depicting a heated confrontation between her and the group of teens — which included the use of epithets like “retarded” for Comrie, contact with her distended stomach, and her screaming for help — the PA was temporarily put on leave from her job at Bellevue Hospital, and pilloried in the press.

 

There’s a lot here. First and unsurprisingly, the initial narrative turned out to be complete BS. Within days of the conflict, Comrie and the lawyer she was forced to hire provided the New York Post and other Big Apple outlets with formal receipts showing, as the Post paraphrased, that “she was the one who purchased the [bicycle] at the center of the viral incident . . . [and] rented the bike first.” Possibly, the group of young men attempted to steal the thing from her, before passersby intervened, and the machine was locked back up. Or, as Bike Bro No. 1’s sister has passionately argued, there may simply have been a good-faith dispute here: A young rider who had just used one particular Citi Bike wanted to call “dibs” on it so that he could enjoy 45 more minutes of ride-time at a reduced rate. Arguments, I suspect, have broken out over far less than that in New York City — a town where a cab driver once screamed “Chicago sucks!!!” at me and dropped me off early after I told him where I was from. (He wouldn’t have dared tried pulling that in the Windy City.) In any case, if this even needs to be said, one pregnant lady did not strong-arm five young men.

 

Second, at a deeper level, it was an absurd act of sensationalism and narrative compliance for Gotham and even national media to pretend that this almost certainly had happened. Has there been one case in recent memory of a heavily pregnant yuppie white woman robbing a bunch of streetwise young men, of any ethnicity? (I eagerly await your submissions to Wilfred.reilly@kysu.edu.) And, more troublingly, the decision to run hard with this story did not exactly stand alone.

 

By this point, we must all have noticed that the usual hunger of the press for edgy man-bites-dog stories is amplified 100x in cases of racial and ethnic conflict — especially when these can be presented in terms of “white” abuse of blacks. Take race as a catalytic element away from the Daniel Penny/Jordan Neely, “Central Park Dog Gate,” and even George Zimmerman/Trayvon Martin cases, and we can say with near-certainty that none of them would have been more than local items in the police blotter. With no sarcasm: How much better would American race relations be today had that remained the case — across the matters just cited and so many others?

 

The plain reality that the mass media regularly construct martyrs out of people involved in day-to-day scuffles (if they have the right demographic profile) highlights yet another key fact about the Citi Bike case: The nurse and expecting mother in fact did nothing wrong here at all — and the attacks leveled at her reflect some distinctly sexist ideas we need to put to bed. The main criticisms of Sarah Comrie from “pro-black” outlets such as the Grio, which is still attacking her while claiming that it was “not about the bike,” are that she acted as a “Karen” and weaponized her “white woman tears.”

 

It’s worth breaking down exactly what this means. What Comrie’s critics are objecting to is the fact that she did not immediately submit to her opponents. Being a “Karen,” in this context, meant not giving up the bike that she paid for, and engaging in “call the manager”–style behavior by pulling in male citizens to help her out. Her “white lady tears” literally just refer to the fact that she was weeping, as an exhausted woman involved in an ugly argument.

 

Why, exactly, would someone have even a theoretical ethical problem with a fellow human being doing either of those things? With no humor intended: because Emmett Till was once lynched. Basically, the “woke” claim is that white women should control their behavior even during male-initiated conflicts — because crying white women have caused harm to men and especially to black men in the past. The Grio piece says this very explicitly: “This was a dispute over a rental bike . . . but she escalated it in a way that could have caused harm to these young Black men, and we cannot lose sight of that.”

 

The same argument has been made over and over in the recent past. Despite his own insanely creepy behavior (“Then I’ll do what want . . . and you won’t like it . . .”), bird-watcher Christian Cooper famously described his sparring partner Amy Cooper’s threat to call the cops on a black man as well over the line following their own New York City tête-à-tête.

 

The electronic streets apparently agreed: Female Cooper was fired and even had her dog repossessed following the viral argument, while male Cooper went on to significant success and now hosts the National Geographic show Extraordinary Birder.

 

“Trans women” now often make similar claims — violently shutting down events for female speakers such as Britain’s Posie Parker while simultaneously declaring that women’s beloved voices have been weaponized against a still more vulnerable minority: themselves. Enough: This is all absurd. Mark me down as a Karen Respecter.

 

Obviously, the era of lynching was a shameful and ugly one. But there has not been a recorded lynching in the United States since 1964 (according to the archives of the historically black Tuskegee Institute). Today, black Americans commit crimes against white Americans significantly more often than the reverse; men offend against women something like ten times more than vice versa.

 

In this real world, it is insanely unrealistic to say that members of some groups are not merely forbidden to use a few Magic Words, but also to engage in specific common behaviors . . . while everyone else can do these things at will. It is hilariously archetypal prejudice to say that only women — or, yes, only white ladies — become villains when they stand up for themselves and ask to talk to a boss, or get upset and yell during an argument.

 

Some of the “Karen” noise strikes me as sexism — today, I notice that you can say almost any damned thing about women if you add a short modifier like “white” or “cis” — and some of it as racism, but none of it as good. Only a truly broken society would look at a weeping pregnant woman arguing with five laughing men and think: “Why is she attacking them?” We have our flaws, in the U.S.A. of 2023, but let’s not go there.

DeSantis Finds His Footing — and Puts Trump on Defense

By Noah Rothman

Tuesday, May 30, 2023

 

The Florida governor doesn’t look like he’s going to pull his punches, which should make for the biggest test yet of Trump’s appeal to Republican voters.

 

Florida governor Ron DeSantis’s 2024 presidential campaign had been off to a rocky start even before launch day. DeSantis backers who hoped to see the embryonic campaign right itself were discouraged by its formal kickoff on Twitter, which struggled with technological hiccups and seemed designed to appeal to the narrow “very online” faction of the Right rather than average voters. We can safely assume that the DeSantis campaign recognized these early mistakes, because it has corrected for them.

 

In the days since, the candidate has dropped the emphasis on Bitcoin and the “woke mind virus.” He has replaced those messages with one that stresses something closer to DeSantis’s core strength: Not just his fealty to conservative ideological goals but his managerial acumen in their pursuit. It’s a pitch that has allowed him to take direct aim at Donald Trump.

 

In an interview with Ben Shapiro last week, DeSantis unloaded on the frontrunner for the Republican nomination. He accused Trump of attacking him “by moving left,” and said Trump was “a different guy” than the one who ran for the White House in 2016. He attacked Trump for supporting a pathway to citizenship for some non-citizens, signing a criminal-justice-reform bill and “bloated” omnibus spending bills, and “turning the reins over” to Dr. Anthony Fauci at the height of the pandemic. He hit back at Trump’s efforts to rewrite the history of the pandemic — including the suggestion that New York governor Andrew Cuomo’s policies had been preferable to Florida’s. He called Trump’s conduct “bizarre,” and he argued that Trump’s refusal to recognize his own mistakes suggests he would make them all over again if he were entrusted with the White House once more.

 

The DeSantis team isn’t shying away from deploying the same kind of unrestrained rhetorical assault on Donald Trump and his defenders that they themselves so often use against opponents. When a Trump campaign operative claimed that DeSantis’s history of seeking elected office was evidence that he’s “someone who’s in it for himself” rather than the country, the DeSantis team’s rapid-response shop fired back with evidence of their candidate’s military record.

 

In response, a reliable Trump surrogate published images of Representative Dan Crenshaw, former representative Adam Kinzinger, and the late senator John McCain. A less self-assured campaign devoted to overthinking the race might have been caught flatfooted by the in-group goading here. This was a not-so-subtle brushback pitch designed to scare the DeSantis campaign out of defending Republicans in uniform because some such Republicans had broken with Donald Trump at various points in their careers. But the DeSantis campaign is not such a soft operation. “Team Trump: Being in the military doesn’t mean s**t. Happy Memorial Day.” the DeSantis rapid-response account replied.

 

“Everyone knows if I’m the nominee, I will beat Biden, and I will serve two terms,” DeSantis pointedly told Fox News Channel viewers this weekend. He argued that if he is elected, there will be “no more excuses about why we couldn’t get it done.” And he made a forceful effort to turn what is seen by many as a glaring liability — his ongoing dispute with the Walt Disney Company — into a strength. “He’s taken the side of Disney in our fight down here in Florida,” DeSantis said of Trump. “I’m standing for parents. I’m standing for children, and I think a multi-billion dollar company that sexualizes children is not consistent with the values of Florida or the values of a place like Iowa.”

 

This barrage of criticism capped off a weekend of brutal fisticuffs, and it forced Donald Trump into a position his supporters rarely see from the former president: a defensive crouch.

 

Retreating to his alternative social-media fiefdom, Truth Social, Trump responded to DeSantis’s accusations of mixed loyalties when it comes to Disney. “Ron DeSanctimonious just stated, without correction on Fox & Friends, that I was ‘backing’ Disney,” the former president fumed. “Wrong! Fox should have read my posted TRUTH on Disney, but that’s not the game they play.”

 

Trump went on to protest the suggestion that his campaign’s conciliatory messages toward the children’s entertainment company suggest that he doesn’t have the stomach for the fight DeSantis picked. “This all happened during the Governorship of ‘Rob’ DeSanctimonious,” read the former president’s inscrutable attack on the governor’s record of somehow presiding over Disney’s leftward drift. “Instead of complaining now, for publicity reasons only, he should have stopped it long ago.”

 

These early skirmishes are promising. The DeSantis campaign has shown a willingness to ignore those who argue that it should be as hostile toward Republicans who don’t toe the Trump line as Trump is, a strategy that would entail abandoning a readymade contrast between the two candidates. It has instead attacked its primary rival in no uncertain terms, and on terrain that is less than favorable for Trump. And it has put Trump on the defensive on the Disney issue, which looked not long ago like it might be a weakness for DeSantis. This is evidence of a fleetfooted campaign that can learn from its mistakes.

 

Whether the DeSantis campaign can sustain this fusillade remains to be seen. But the early signs suggest that the Florida governor isn’t going to pull his punches, which should make for the biggest test yet of Trump’s appeal to Republican voters.

The Bud Light Meltdown Is Good for America

By Rich Lowry

Wednesday, May 31, 2023

 

We should all be grateful to Anheuser-Busch.

 

Some corporation had to show how “woke” marketing could cost an iconic American brand dearly in terms of its image, its sales, and its market capitalization.

 

Through its special beer can produced for transgender influencer Dylan Mulvaney, Anheuser-Busch, in effect, volunteered for duty.

 

The CEO of General Motors didn’t really say in the 1950s that what’s good for GM is good for the country.

 

Still, to paraphrase the famous misquote of auto executive Charles Wilson, what’s terrible for Bud Light sales is now good for America. With every viral anti–Bud Light video and twelve-pack moldering on a store shelf or in a warehouse, the message is being sent to other corporations that they may come to regret their gratuitous forays into the culture war.

 

Now, Target has directly learned the same lesson with its Pride apparel and has removed some clothes and made associated displays less prominent. Coupled with the ongoing contention over Disney, whose image has taken a big hit among Republicans, the flare-ups raise the prospect that we’ve entered a new era of conservative-consumer power.

 

There’s no doubt that the rise of social media has made it possible to spread the word quickly about controversies, and conservatives are newly attuned to how corporations can trespass against their values and interests.

 

That said, the recent boycott successes are not necessarily replicable.

 

Bud Light proved uniquely vulnerable. Its image was of an all-American product, the go-to beer for barbecues, hunting trips and ball games — as easily enjoyed and uncontroversial as a flyover on the Fourth of July.

 

The Dylan Mulvaney promotion was hilariously off-brand. Why should a beer company, especially an unpretentious, mass-market beer company, be associating itself with a gay man who decides he’s a woman and prances around like a teenager? What is it about Dylan Mulvaney that says “beer” or “Middle America”?

 

Mulvaney made it worse by creating indelible, cringe-inducing imagery, dressing like Holly Golightly from Breakfast at Tiffany’s with a bunch of Bud Light in one video and relaxing in a bathtub in another.

 

What’s transpired is more than a boycott; Bud Light has become a national joke. Its signature blue-and-white cans and bottles now stand for ineptitude and out-of-touch marketing. Picking up a six-pack shows that you aren’t in on the joke.

 

The advantage of Bud Light was that it was widely known and readily available; the problem is that its competitors are just as readily available, and once someone stops to think about it, it’s just as easy to pick up the Coors Light or something else right next to the Bud Light on the shelf or in the freezer. Sure enough, as of April 15, Bud Light’s U.S. retail-store sales dropped 17 percent from the year prior, and sales of Coors Light and Miller Lite each grew 17 percent, according to the Wall Street Journal.

 

As for Target, even if it doesn’t get hit as hard as Anheuser-Busch, it is a low-margin business that can’t afford unnecessary consumer turbulence.

 

On the other end of the spectrum are difficult-to-boycott entities like the Los Angeles Dodgers, who embraced an anti-Catholic gay-activist group. The offended Dodgers fan may strenuously object, but can’t just up and start rooting for the Los Angeles Angels.

 

The best outcome of all this would be if corporations realize the potential hazards of going along with the woke cultural tide, and resolve to stick to the 50-yard line of American national life. No one is going to care if a boutique brand based somewhere in blue America associates itself with every new progressive fad. It’s the companies that are firmly in the mainstream that shouldn’t needlessly alienate people or take sides in battles that have nothing to do with their core business.

 

Bud Light is an ongoing warning of the perils. Surely, it’s not the future old Adolphus Busch imagined for his company, but it’s useful all the same.

Running Amok

By Robert King

Saturday, May 27, 2023

 

“Woman up!”

 

“Be a woman about it”

 

“How do you expect any man to be attracted to you if you don’t have a high paying job?”

 

“What do you mean you are ‘sick’? That’s just ‘woman flu.’”

 

“Girls don’t cry.”

 

“Reach down and don’t find a pair.”

 

If these phrases sound odd, that’s because we sometimes forget that men navigate currents of social status like salmon swimming upstream to spawn. Be tough; have independent resources to draw on; jealously guard your honour against humiliation. Many men’s lives end in fights “over nothing” (as recorded in police reports). Pool table disputes. Jostling someone’s arm in the pub. “You lookin’ at my girl?” But these fights were not over nothing. They were over male status.

 

Call it “face.” Or “honour.” Or “prestige.” The differences (and they do exist) between different types of status do not need to concern us right now. The point is that we are all descended from men who cared about it. We have done the genetic analysis, and most males throughout human history (60 percent) did not get to reproduce. Status was—and still is, to some extent—exquisitely linked to male reproductive success, and the men who were blind to its protection simply did not have descendants.

 

We have partly tamed, and redirected, this status-seeking in modern society. We give it acceptable—even useful—outlets. Sport. Awards. Elaborate public rituals in which we show that a person has so much status to spare that they can even survive being roasted by professional comedians. Not everyone plays by these relatively recent rules, however. And, sometimes, fear of loss of status drives a violent reaction.

 

A few years back, on the Jeremy Kyle Show (think Jerry Springer but with British accents) they brought on a man who routinely beat his girlfriend. There were the expected jeers and catcalls from the studio audience, but the man looked Kyle in the eye and told him that his poor girlfriend regularly “did his head in,” and, when she did this, he would “get the red mist.” In other words, he could not help but lash out at her.

 

“Look what you made me do!” has been the cry of the bully down the ages.

 

Showing an unexpected flair for experimental social psychology, Kyle brought on one of the bouncers employed on the show—about 6’-4” and—as you would expect—built like someone who throws people out of places for a living. The bouncer proceeded to insult the bully, poking him in the chest a few times and pushing him backwards. “Where’s the ‘red mist’ now?” Kyle politely enquired. “He’s twice my size!” spluttered the bully.

 

So, not quite the uncontrollable reflex action that he had led us to believe.

 

Most complex behaviours are like this. Not mere reflexes but exquisitely attuned to local context. This is true even of violent behaviours which, in social primates like ourselves, takes account of the features of other primates in the vicinity: their size, status, and formidability.

 

In the 1960s, the renowned neuroscientist José Delgado performed some disturbingly insightful experiments using radio-controlled electrodes implanted in mammalian brains. He could stimulate, or block, the centres of aggression in cats, primates, and, once, (famously, on live TV) a charging bull—stopping it in its tracks before it hit him. And, what happened when the aggression centres were provoked in social primates? They did not just lash out mindlessly at any other monkey around them. On the contrary, the pre-established social hierarchies were visible in the patterns of aggression that resulted. Alpha males lashed out at ones lower down, but not at females they had recently partnered with. Lower-ranking males lashed out at the youngsters. As the saying goes, the crap tends to flow downhill, just as it does with humans. I think this partly helps explain why schoolchildren are so regularly targets of mass killings.

 

America has had roughly one mass shooting a day for the last decade—roughly the time when we first started looking at this phenomenon. Some of the responses to our first paper surprised me. I hadn’t realized that, up until 2015, the framing of gun violence as a public health issue was actually forbidden by Congress, resulting in a strange generational skew in investigations and a lack of investigators. In addition, America’s addiction to guns (something that, as scientists, we were utterly uninterested in to begin with, except as a control measure to further our analysis) started to look like a nicotine addict’s ingenious ways to keep nicotine in their life. Almost every day someone sends me details of bulletproof backpacks for junior schoolers, rapidly assembled bulletproof school walls, suggestions about arming teachers, and similar ingenious (or downright potty) ideas. They remind me of my ingenious attempts to stop smoking 20 years ago. I tried a pipe. I tried nicotine gum. I tried patches. I’d try anything rather than face up to being addicted to nicotine. As the Onion puts it with gallows humour, “No way to prevent this, says the only nation where this regularly happens.”

 

But that’s not quite fair. Spree killings are not uniquely American. Indeed, we are currently documenting and analysing killings, with exactly the same profiles, worldwide—but typically using vehicles or knives. What is unique about America is the ready availability of firearms coupled with a lobbying body that resists any attempts at restricting their access. That means that the death rate in other countries is much lower. Also, the phenomenon of mass public killings of strangers by men is not new. It was not that long ago that such killings were regarded as an old and culture-bound syndrome. After all, “amok” is a Malay word. And here is how one contemporary (from a couple of centuries ago) described it:

 

A man — it was almost always a man — would feel he had endured an unbearable indignity. After a period of brooding, he lashed out by attacking everyone in sight with knives or other sharp weapons, hacking away until fellow villagers or the authorities finally killed him.

 

Mass killings are statistically unlikely ways to die, but crude, consequentialist, corpse-counting is not the only way to assess damage in a civilised society. Although the absolute risk of dying at the hands of such a killer is low, many people stubbornly refuse to acknowledge how low the likelihood is. This should not surprise us. Mass killings are, among many other things, a deliberately public, attention-seeking attempt to drive a wedge into the existing social order. Some of these motives are obviously political—in such cases, the intent is to sow fear and destabilise governments—and I will not have much to say about those (although we suspect some of such attempts are beginning to overlap). What about more individual motives?

 

Our initial study was an archival study of 70 mass killers going back nearly a century. Our methodology was highly conservative, using only those killings for which we could obtain independent corroboration of details. The media tend to get highly speculative about these events, and we did not want to get taken up any garden paths. We restricted the search to the United States for two reasons. First, the ready presence of firearms makes the expression of such murderous desires much easier to compare between events, whereas those using vehicles or knives have fewer victims. Second, the United States has an efficient, detailed, and (at least somewhat) independent media archive.

 

We fed in as much data as we could get—age, number of victims, type of clothing worn, personal history, recent key events, and so on—turned the crank on the statistical machine, and saw what patterns emerged.

 

What we found was very interesting, and a reminder that averages can often be highly misleading. Although the average age for the mass killers in our sample was 33, this number was highly unrepresentative of the population. The range of ages was from 11 (yes, really) to 66 (yes, really). Much more interesting was that the distribution of ages was bimodal, that is, it had two peaks. And here is the surprising part: the two groups that clustered around these age peaks could not have been more different from one another.

 

The younger group (average age 23) tended to have been in trouble with the law, and they were more likely to have had mental illness. In other words, at the age when most young men are acquiring status (and the skills and abilities that will enable them to do so) these men were showing signs that they were on a fast track to reproductive oblivion. In ancestral times—times without highly trained and equipped SWAT teams—a Hail Mary attempt to attract attention and make “them” take you seriously might (just might) have worked. This age group also tended to be less likely to be killed at the end of their murderous spree. Follow-up work we have done suggests that many of this younger type attract a significant amount of female attention when in prison.

 

The older group (average age 41) were much more likely to be married, and they often had children. They were significantly less likely to have had prior legal issues or mental illnesses. They were also more likely to die in the rampage—either through suicide or suicide by cop. And, a peek into their personal details (so far as we were able to) revealed that they had a pattern of recent status loss. A job. A relationship. A custody battle. A looming scandal. These older guys were not so much trying to acquire status; their actions looked more like a highly pathological attempt to not lose it. “Death before dishonour” is a cruel joke—especially when what you actually get is both. However, self-perceived status loss could be a missing piece of several murderous motivational mysteries.

 

Perhaps because we behavioural scientists tend to be rather timid, bookish types, we tend to see violence as alien and inexplicable. Our psychology textbooks call it “mindless” or “anti-social,” but these are not helpful epithets. Indeed, they blind us to some of the instrumental features of violence. As the famously irascible philosopher Jerry Fodor was apt to say, in response to platitudes like “To understand is to forgive,” we can thump the table and go “No, sometimes it just sharpens your contempt.” And what could be more contemptible than murdering innocent children in the furtherance of your aims? What makes us gasp at this is the thought that even violence like this could be, at some level, explicable. Alas, we do not have the luxury of just wringing our hands and wishing away our hierarchical primate natures. Are we really so insecure about our moral commitments that we need to announce in our methodologies that we think that killing innocent children is wrong? And do we really need to get into asinine definitional exchanges about what does, or does not, constitute an “assault weapon”?

 

For talk of toxic masculinity to have meaning, attention needs to be paid to the toxic soils in which it grows. Pretended innocence about human nature will not help us here.

Why Are RFK Jr. Voters Backing RFK Jr.?

By Noah Rothman

Tuesday, May 30, 2023

 

There has been quite a lot of debate — for now, mostly academic — about what Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s primary challenge to President Joe Biden says about this political moment. Matthew Scully wrote a detailed and passionate defense of Kennedy’s approach to politics and the marketplace for his heterodox ideas. Pradheep Shanker’s reply to Scully’s work exposes much of that heterodoxy as paranoia while not discounting the broad but hardly salutary public demand for irrationality. I come down on the side of the ledger that views Kennedy’s political outlook as, on balance, crankish.

 

And yet, all this talk fails to consider what the Democratic voters gravitating toward Kennedy’s campaign think about the candidate. It would be a mistake to cast Kennedy as a movement leader when his own supporters seem to view his candidacy as something more like the nearest weapon at hand.

 

CNN/SSRS survey of Democratic primary voters published last Thursday found that roughly one in five self-described Democrats are backing Kennedy over the sitting president and head of their party. But when asked why they were backing Kennedy, those voters failed to ratify the effort to create a coherent political philosophy around the candidate.

 

Of the Democrats who were open to supporting Kennedy, 20 percent of them cited the “Kennedy name” and his “family connections” as the candidate’s most attractive trait. Seventeen percent said they “would consider supporting Kennedy” because they don’t “know enough” about him and “want to learn more.” Just 12 percent of Kennedy-curious voters said they support his “views/policies.” Beyond that, Kennedy’s tentative support comes from the notion that he “is a Democrat” and his voters are “open minded” and would “consider any candidate” — including, we must assume, Joe Biden. Every other rationale for supporting Kennedy languished in the single digits.

 

As a blunt instrument, Kennedy’s candidacy has a lot to say for it if you’re a disaffected Democratic voter who wants to broadcast displeasure with the party as an enterprise. In concert with mystic self-help guru Marianne Williamson’s candidacy (who is stealing away 8 percent of Democrats, most of whom support her because they “do not know enough” about her), these candidacies are telling a consistent story about Joe Biden’s presidency and his appeal to Democratic primary voters. What these alternative candidacies say about the candidate themselves, however, is too nebulous to constitute anything other than a negative verdict on the incumbent.

Tuesday, May 30, 2023

The Rise and Fall of the Spokestroll

By Abe Greenwald

Wednesday, May 24, 2023

 

Here’s a secret. Most trans activism today isn’t really activism. It’s trolling. Political activists, especially in human rights, try to build awareness of a neglected cause and bring about systemic change. This would logically mean that the work of trans activists was done a while ago. Americans couldn’t possibly be any more aware of their cause than we already are. It’s omnipresent—framing as many news stories as possible, written into the shows and movies we watch, and hawked by influential people at every level of the establishment, including the president. Far from being neglected, trans Americans have been extravagantly celebrated.

 

As for change, trans activists already achieved a tectonic shift in the popular understanding of sex and gender, affecting a change so massive as to override the institutional acceptance of biological reality. Biological male athletes have been shellacking female competitors for years now. And the country’s leading medical organizations have all thrown in their support for so-called gender-affirming care of trans youths, with Boston Children’s Hospital at one point claiming that babies can accurately determine that their sex and gender are mismatched.

 

What’s left for an activist to do?

 

Well, gloat. Get in everyone’s face—even those who sympathize with you—and rub their noses in your triumph. So that’s what popular trans activists have been up to for a while—trolling. It’s what, for example, Dylan Mulvaney does, caricaturing feminine sensibilities and behaviors with the delicacy of a wigged wrecking ball. It’s what other TikTok influencers do when they rattle on about spreading the good word of transgender ideology in kids’ classrooms. It’s already in kids’ classrooms, and they know it. They just want to remind you.

 

Trolling is a strange approach to activism. Its purpose is to elicit rage, not sympathy. And that’s what it’s done. Predictably, Americans are now losing patience with these sore winners. The majority of the country opposes biological males competing in sports with biological females, and most believe that gender is determined by biology, not choice. The trans movement will reckon with its self-inflicted loss in due time.

 

But the commercial interests that embraced the trans-activist craze are dealing with problems on a more immediate schedule. Companies that aligned with what they thought was a branch of human-rights activism are beginning to realize that they saddled themselves not with beloved brand ambassadors but with spokestrolls: people they’ve paid to irritate their own customers. NBC News reports that shares in Anheuser-Busch InBev have dropped more than 10 percent since Bud Light partnered with Mulvaney in a PR campaign in early April, and “sales of Bud Light continue to plummet.” The two executives behind the disastrous campaign were put on leave a month ago.

 

Recently, Target pulled some items from its Pride collection after people objected to what looked like trans-friendly swimwear for children (reportedly, it’s trans-friendly swimwear for adults) and apparel designed by a brand that employs satanic imagery.

 

The big story here concerns the Los Angeles Dodgers. The team originally planned to honor an organization called Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence on June 16 at Dodger Stadium’s LGBTQ+ Pride Night. The Sisters are drag queens who wear nuns’ habits, give themselves obscene mock-clerical names, and spread the message of “go and sin some more.” In other words, they’re not only trolls: They really are activists—anti-Catholic activists. After an initial backlash, the Dodgers announced they would no longer be honoring the group. But then they reversed course, apologized for their moment of conscience, and announced that they would give the Sisters the “Community Hero Award” after all.

 

We’ll see how that goes. Given the Bud Light fiasco, the Target retreat, and the shifting attitudes of the country, the age of the corporate trans troll looks to be over before playoffs. And as it becomes ever clearer that conservatives are on the right side of this battle, it would be behoove them not to gloat about it. That’s how you lose.

The GOP Isn’t Taking the 2024 Senate Primaries Lying Down

By Noah Rothman

Friday, May 26, 2023

 

It’s seldom validating to be wrong in public.

 

On Tuesday, I made note of the ominous efforts from some of the Republican Party’s losing 2022 candidates to telegraph their imminent return to the political fray. While some of those individuals have already declared their candidacies, the more menacing prospects are still waiting in the wings. Save one. On Thursday night, former Pennsylvania gubernatorial candidate Doug Mastriano informed his supporters that he would not, in fact, run for Senator Bob Casey’s seat in 2024.

 

“We’re going to continue to be relevant,” Mastriano assured his supporters after bowing out of another run at statewide office. That relevance, however, will take the form of his support for whomever emerges as the Pennsylvania GOP’s senatorial nominee.

 

Mastriano’s decision doesn’t exactly clear the field for former hedge-fund CEO Dave McCormick, who narrowly lost a primary for the U.S. Senate nomination in 2022 to television broadcaster Mehmet Oz and has flirted with the prospect of another run. Still, the race looks more like his to lose. In 2022, McCormick was the preferred candidate among Republican Party officials and strategists — both in the Keystone State and in Washington, D.C. — but Donald Trump’s vocal support for Oz in that primary contest proved determinative. That dynamic persists. According to Politico’s reporting, the effort by some Republicans to convince Mastriano to remain on the sidelines next year has not been subtle.

 

The news out of Pennsylvania isn’t the only sign that Republicans are taking steps to avoid the unforced errors that resulted in the sacrifice of almost every winnable Senate seat in 2022. As Jewish Insider editor in chief Josh Kraushaar observed, Republicans have convinced a “top recruit” in West Virginia, Governor Jim Justice, to take on Senator Joe Manchin next year. Moreover, Republicans are “optimistic” about their recruiting prospects in Montana, where perennial hard target Senator Jon Tester is once again up for reelection.

 

Perhaps most important, the GOP isn’t going to take a hands-off approach to candidate selection this year and cede the field to political entertainers and outside groups. “The National Republican Senatorial Committee,” the Associated Press reported in February, “intends to wade into party primaries in key states, providing resources to its preferred candidates in a bid to produce nominees who are more palatable to general election voters.” Some astute political observers have speculated that the current NRSC chairman, the relatively conventional Republican and savvy operator Senator Steve Daines (Mont.), endorsed Donald Trump early in the primary race so as not to antagonize the figure most likely to complicate this strategy. Indeed, his endorsement might even allow Daines to convince the former president that the NRSC’s plan of action was Trump’s idea all along. With the former president, flattery will get you everywhere.

 

If that tactic succeeds, the NRSC’s strategy may look something like how the GOP approached the 2014 midterm election cycle to pull off one of the biggest electoral hauls in recent memory.

 

The degree to which establishmentarian Republicans and the party’s committees aggressively intervened in the GOP primary process in 2013 reads like a dispatch from another era — a time when the parties were strong enough to see to their own interests even at the risk of offending influential ideologues. It brought anemic incumbents back from political death. It dropped opposition research on GOP candidates that were sure losers but enjoyed the support of the party’s more radical factions. It orchestrated backroom deals to ensure that the most electable candidate ran for the most winnable seat. The party’s efforts were rewarded in November 2014 with a shocking nine-seat gain in the upper chamber.

 

Though Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell reserved the right to intervene in the GOP’s primary process in 2021, he and the organizations that his allies control ultimately chose to avoid walking into that buzz saw. The results that this hands-off approach produced speak for themselves. This year, McConnell retailed his intention to engage early and aggressively in the pursuit of his preferred outcomes.

 

“He said that his main focus for now is on flipping four states: Montana, West Virginia, Ohio, and Pennsylvania,” CNN’s Manu Raju wrote of his candid conversation with McConnell regarding the “much heavier hand” Republican leadership plans to apply to the primary process. While he acknowledged the risk that establishmentarian intervention into the primaries could escalate “intraparty feuding,” it’s a risk McConnell is willing to take.

 

“We’ll be involved in any primary where that seems to be necessary to get a high-quality candidate, and we’ll be involved in every general election where we have a legitimate shot of winning — regardless of the philosophy of the nominee,” McConnell said. “We don’t have an ideological litmus test. . . . We want to win in November.”

 

Opponents of this strategy might attempt to revive 2016-style criticisms of “the establishment” and its myopic focus on winning elections over having a mandate to do anything with the power it seeks. That line may not have the punch it once did, in part because there’s no point in having political objectives if your candidates stand no chance at the polls. In the years that have elapsed since 2016, the distinctions between an establishmentarian Republican and an insurgent Republican have blurred almost to the point of negligibility. If Donald Trump and the NRSC chairman are on the same page, are their shared goals establishmentarian or blood-red MAGA? Does that distinction matter if the party’s organs are loyal to its Senate leadership and can cajole, convince, and strong-arm unelectable candidates out of their respective races?

 

Regardless, the GOP is off to a promising start in its quest to avoid a recurrence of the disaster that befell Republicans in 2022.

Anti-ESG Movement Racks Up Wins in Eleven States as Media Insist Effort Is ‘Backfiring’

By Ryan Mills

Tuesday, May 30, 2023

 

Despite reports that the effort is “backfiring” and has “few big wins,” at least eleven states have passed legislation this year to combat public-investment strategies that prioritize left-wing social and environmental goals over providing the best financial return for taxpayers.

 

Supporters of the conservative movement to bar public-asset managers from taking into account so-called environmental, social, and corporate governance factors, or ESG, say they’ve made great strides in the last two years building awareness of ESG and passing laws against it.

 

“We’ve come in the last year and a half from nothing to having a quarter of the states passing stuff and having half of the states engaging,” said Derek Kreifels, CEO of the State Financial Officers Foundation, a free-market non-profit that promotes fiscally responsible public policy. “To go from nothing to this in the last 18 months or so has been phenomenal.”

 

The ESG movement looks beyond just financial returns on investments, and grades companies on things such as their ethics, board diversity, and political, environmental, and sustainability efforts. Many conservatives see ESG as an anti-democratic movement to impose a “woke” ideological agenda on society, even in states that don’t approve of the left-wing values.

 

Many of the world’s largest financial firms, including BlackRock, Wells Fargo, Vanguard, and JPMorgan Chase, utilize ESG in their investment decisions.

 

Mainstream-news outlets have often portrayed the anti-ESG movement as floundering and failing. In February, the Washington Post reported that the “conservative battle against ‘woke’ banks is backfiring.” Bloomberg Law reported in April that the anti-ESG movement has gotten a lot of hype by has “few big wins” in statehouses.

 

But Catherine Gunsalus, director of state advocacy for Heritage Action, said the mainstream-media narrative that the anti-ESG movement is falling flat “couldn’t be further from the truth.”

 

“I think the math shows that,” she said. “I think they’re nervous on the other side of this that this movement to push back on ESG is actually being successful.”

 

The pushback against ESG only started a couple of years ago. In 2021, Texas lawmakers passed a law that bars the state from doing business with financial companies that favor renewable-energy firms over fossil fuels for environmental rather than financial reasons. “This bill sent a strong message to both Washington and Wall Street that if you boycott Texas energy, then Texas will boycott you,” Texas representative Phil King said during debate over Senate Bill 13.

 

Last year, West Virginia, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and Idaho followed suit.

 

“We’re not going to pay for our own destruction,” Riley Moore, the state treasurer from West Virginia, said of his state’s anti-ESG legislation, which takes aim at financial firms that “have weaponized our tax dollars against the very people and industry that have generated them to begin with. That is why we’re pushing back against this ESG movement.”

 

In January 2022, Moore announced that the state would no longer use BlackRock for banking transactions involving West Virginia’s roughly $8 billion in operating funds. The move came after the firm urged companies to embrace “net zero” climate investment strategies that the state deemed harmful to its fossil fuel industries.

 

This year, more than two dozen states introduced anti-ESG-style bills, and so far at least eleven – ArkansasFloridaIdahoIndianaKansasKentuckyMontanaNorth DakotaTennesseeUtah, and West Virginia – have passed and enacted some version. The various bills address the ESG issue from different angles: Many require that investment decisions involving taxpayer money be based solely on prospective financial returns, while others address government contracting, local bonds, and bank boycotts and discrimination.

 

In Arkansas, lawmakers passed a series of bills in March that bar the use of ESG in investment and contracting decisions. The state will also establish an ESG-oversight committee to create a list of financial-service providers that discriminate against energy or firearms firms.

 

In April, Montana governor Greg Gianforte signed two bills that bar discrimination against the firearms industry and that prohibit the consideration of nonpecuniary factors for public investments. “Activist, woke capitalism through ESG investing is trending on Wall Street. It won’t fly in Montana,” Gianforte said as he signed the bills at a local gun manufacturer.

 

That same month, Kansas’ Democratic governor, Laura Kelly, allowed a bill that bars the consideration of ESG criteria in government contracts and investments to become law without her signature.

 

Kentucky’s Democratic governor, Andy Beshear, signed a law in March that bars asset managers handling the state’s retirement system from considering ESG factors. Kentucky state treasurer Allison Ball called it the “strongest anti-ESG legislation in the nation.”

 

One of the anti-ESG laws passed in Utah establishes that companies that work together to deny services to certain industries could run afoul of the state’s antitrust law.

 

Florida’s anti-ESG bill, which Governor Ron DeSantis signed into law in early May, was one of the most extensive such bills in the country. It prohibits the use of ESG criteria in investment decisions, government contracts, and local bonds, prohibits banks that engage in corporate activism from holding public deposits, and bars financial firms from discriminating against customers based on their religious, political, or social beliefs.

 

Reuters called Florida’s law “one of the furthest-reaching efforts yet by U.S. Republicans against sustainable investing efforts.” Jeremy Redfern, a DeSantis spokesman, told National Review in an email that “Florida’s approach ensures that fund managers invest state funds in a manner that prioritizes the highest return on investment rather than a woke ideological agenda.”

 

DeSantis is also leading an alliance of 18 states fighting ESG efforts promoted by the Biden administration. “We will not stand idly by as the stability of our country’s economy is threatened by woke executives who put their political agenda ahead of their clients’ finances,” DeSantis said in a prepared statement announcing the alliance.

 

Critics of anti-ESG legislation allege that the movement was ginned up by the fossil-fuel industry to protect its interests by alleging that it is the victim of left-wing discrimination.

 

Gunsalus, with Heritage Action, said the anti-ESG movement is not about propping up specific industries, but is instead about protecting the economic interests of states and their citizens.

 

“These bills are about bringing things back to neutral, being focused on financial factors, things we should already be doing,” she said. “It’s not about picking winners and losers.”

 

ESG supporters paint it as simply an investment strategy that considers additional information to assess potential risk-and-return prospects. Earlier this month, Washington Post columnist Dana Milbank suggested that Republicans promoting anti-ESG legislation are akin to “Soviet economic planners” who are “now telling investors which businesses they can and can’t invest in – and which investment criteria they will be permitted to consider.”

 

Some state analyses and university studies have suggested that anti-ESG laws could end up costing states tens of millions, and possibly billions of dollars, due to reduced returns, the early sale of assets, and additional interest payments. Gunsalus is skeptical of those reports.

 

“These bills are about making sure that the state has the highest financial return. Done. That’s it,” she said. “All these models do is simply reinforce that and say you must be managing our funds according to financial factors and highest returns only. Anything else is a breach of that fiduciary duty.”

 

Anti-ESG legislation hasn’t passed everywhere it’s been proposed. Democrats have defeated most anti-ESG bills in blue states, and in some cases have passed laws promoting the consideration of ESG factors in their investment decisions. Some conservative state legislatures, including in Mississippi and Wyoming, rejected anti-ESG bills this year.

 

Sam Masoudi, the chief investment officer of Wyoming’s retirement system, expressed concerns that ESG was so broadly and subjectively defined in proposed legislation that if it passed the state might not be allowed to invest in almost any Fortune 500 companies.

 

“Earlier today, I was looking at the webpage of a very large coal company, and they have a page about their climate focus and how they are going to reduce emissions,” Masoudi said during a hearing, adding that “theoretically we wouldn’t be able to invest in the coal company.”

 

While North Dakota lawmakers did pass a law this year that prohibits the use of ESG factors in state investment decisions, they voted overwhelmingly – 90-3 in the House – against a bill that would have created a list of financial firms that engage in a “boycott of energy companies” that the state couldn’t do business with. Lawmakers had concerns that the wording of the legislation was too vague, and that it didn’t offer due process to targeted firms.

 

Gunsalus noted that in many cases, states are proposing various bills that take different approaches to the ESG issue. “Not all bills are created equal,” she said.

 

Kreifels said he’s not concerned that some anti-ESG legislation failed this year, even in red states, and that in some cases the language had to be modified to pass.

 

“The way I look at it, frankly, it’s the top of the first and we’ve got eight innings to go.”

 

Even though it’s a difficult issue for many people to understand, Kerifels said he’s confident the anti-ESG side is winning the fight.

 

“I’m waiting to hear what the left decides to rename ESG, because we’re tarnishing the brand,” he said. “My anticipation is they’re going to end up changing what they call it soon.”