National Review Online
Saturday, June 21, 2025
President Trump has been quite clear for as long as he’s
been in politics that under his watch, Iran would never be allowed to get a
nuclear weapon. In the early months of his second term, he said that he hoped
to be able to find a diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear threat but, if
not, he was prepared to take military action. On Saturday night, he followed
through.
After a week of Israeli attacks that took out Iran’s air
defense systems, crippled its military command, and dealt damage to its nuclear
program, Trump delivered what was intended to be the death blow. He ordered
American bombers to strike Iranian nuclear facilities at Natanz, Isfahan, and
the heavily fortified Fordow. While there was great debate over whether Israel
was capable of finishing off Fordow without access to B-2 bombers or
30,000-pound “bunker busters,” U.S. action was clearly the most straightforward
path to taking out the facilities.
While we await a damage assessment, it is already obvious
that the Trump administration, after a week of leaks and intrigue, achieved an
extraordinary level of operational security. Not until the president announced
that the bombs had been dropped and U.S. planes were on their way back did
anybody report what had happened.
It’s worth bearing in mind that for decades, Iran has
pursued nuclear weapons, in fits and starts — set back by sanctions and Israeli
sabotage operations. But before Israel launched a preemptive strike, the U.N.’s
International Atomic Energy Agency determined that Iran had been enriching
uranium well beyond the level of civilian use, and closer to military grade.
With a bit more enrichment, the regime had enough uranium for perhaps ten
bombs.
Trump tried to get Iranians to agree to a real nuclear
deal. Not a rebranded version of the Obama deal, which allowed Iran to continue
enriching uranium and to develop ballistic missiles, but a true deal that ended
the threat of enrichment and nuclear weapons. Last Thursday, Trump gave the
regime in Tehran an ultimatum: The mullahs needed to conclusively abandon their
nuclear enrichment program or face devastating American strikes within the next
two weeks. But it became instantly clear that Iran was not willing to change
its terms and had no intention of ever giving up enrichment. If Trump was to
show he was serious about stopping Iran from getting nuclear weapons, he had no
choice but to attack.
As we noted previously, such action should have been
approved by Congress. Since the 9/11 attacks and the resulting congressional
Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), presidents have liberally
directed military strikes on the rationale that the targets were connected to
9/11 and its aftermath. Iran fits that bill. Moreover, presidents have long had
authority to respond, even without congressional authorization, to attacks on
American forces and interests. Iran has used proxies to attack Americans for
nearly half a century, including the Houthis in Yemen, to whose provocations
Trump responded with bombings just a few weeks ago. It would have demonstrated
constitutional fidelity for Trump to ask Congress for a new AUMF, specifically
tailored to Iran. But his ordering of attacks on the nuclear facilities of the
“Death to America” regime are consistent with the American approach to the
jihadist threat over the past quarter century, and the vow of several American
presidents that Iran could not be permitted to possess nuclear weapons.
Congress should not have been so willing to delegate its war powers, but the
president was right to grasp that this target is the world’s leading state
sponsor of anti-American terrorism.
The prospect of Iran’s radical Islamist regime obtaining
a nuclear bomb has haunted American foreign policy for decades. During that
time, the regime has carried out terrorist attacks throughout the world via
proxies and killed hundreds of U.S. servicemen serving in the Middle East. Had
they obtained a nuclear weapon, even if they didn’t hit the U.S., they would
have been able to shield themselves from retaliation for financing terrorism
and engaging in other destabilizing actions in the region.
Addressing the nation, Trump said that the nuclear
facilities had been “completely and totally obliterated.” While signaling that
he was content to let this be the end of the matter, he also said he was
prepared to order attacks on other Iranian targets if Iran tried to respond.
If indeed the U.S. bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities
successfully destroyed the program, Trump’s decision will go down as
historically important for eliminating a dire threat to the region and U.S.
security.
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