Friday, April 26, 2024

Mr. Trump in Court

By Kevin D. Williamson

Friday, April 26, 2024

 

Todd Blanche, one of the unhappy attorneys defending Donald Trump in one of the criminal actions against him, insisted this week the former president deserves to continue to be called “President Trump” out of respect, that this is something the former game-show host and quondam pornographer “has earned.” That is pure drivel, of course, but Trump, who has a thing about titles, has insisted for years that employees and sycophants continue calling him “President Trump.”

 

The continued use of the title “president” before Trump’s name is, of course, a violation of republican norms. We do not have aristocratic titles in the United States—we have job titles, and we have only one president at a time. (Goodness knows one is enough.) Trump isn’t the first ex-president to cling pathetically to the title, though Trump’s insistence takes on a special valence because he also insists that he is the rightfully elected president and attempted to stage a coup d’état in 2021 to hold onto the office. So there is more at work here than etiquette. 

 

But let’s talk about the etiquette a little bit. 

 

The legend of George Washington was modeled on that of Cincinnatus, the Roman hero who personified republican virtue. Cincinnatus was a poor patrician who was made dictator during a time of national emergency and, as soon as the danger had passed, returned to his farm—“back to his plow,” as the story goes—even though his term in office had not expired. It did not matter to Cincinnatus that he could have continued in office for a few more months and that doing so might have been financially rewarding—the question of what Cincinnatus was entitled to was entirely secondary to the question of what his country required from him. That is what real patriotism looks like in action.

 

Trump fancies himself a kind of American royal. You may recall that before and during his visit to the United Kingdom in 2019, Trump suggested that the younger British royals should hold a “next generation” summit with the Trump children, as though the Trump brats were something like princes rather than reality-television grotesques. The idea of a hereditary Trump aristocracy is particularly galling to those of us who are old enough to remember that one of the arguments put forward for Trump in 2016 was that nominating him would help to put an end to dynastic politics in the United States in an era when the leading figures included Trump’s primary rival Jeb Bush, son of one former president and brother of another, and Democratic nominee Hillary Rodham Clinton, the much-abused wife of a former president. And what happened? In 2024, we have a Trump as co-chair of the RNC while Uday and Qusay continue lingering herpetically around the orifices of the body politic. 

 

An aristocrat is nothing without a title, and the one Trump really favors is “baron,” which was both the name of the imaginary friend he invented to lie to the New York Post about his sex life (which is a totally normal and not at all obviously insane thing to do) and the name of his youngest son. In the United States, we have had steel barons and newspaper barons and even robber barons, but, alas, there are no baronages for reality television programs or for selling cheap polyester ties and knockoff watches at Macy’s. We have had cattle barons, but Trump Steaks were too far downstream to make him a baron. And since Trump Steaks went out of business two months after its launch—who could have guessed that selling meat via QVC would go bust?—the title would not have been an ancient one. 

 

But it takes more than a title to make an aristocrat. The American “natural aristocrat” is not a figment of Thomas Jefferson’s rich political imagination, and we have had a few. Some of them are famous and wealthy, some of them are very cultured, and—this is why I am forgoing names here—few of them enjoy public praise or attention, though many of them are public men by necessity. They tend to have very good manners, and by that I do not mean knowing which fork to use for which course but the talent for making other people feel valued, honored, and at ease. They can do that because they have no reason to be jealous of their own positions—they can be generous with grace and applause for the same reason a very wealthy man can be generous with money: They are not worried about running out. Donald Trump is, to say the least, not one of these. He is the very opposite type, the man who needs to be “the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral.” Strange that he doesn’t seem to be enjoying his trial more. 

 

The title business can get comical. We get vitriolic denunciations of the Chinese Communist Party from a legislator who insists on calling himself Chairman Smith. Newt Gingrich is still “Mr. Speaker” to the dinosaurs on Fox News, although he held the office in a prior century—he left the speakership before Ice Spice had even been born! Nikki Haley is still “ambassador,” as though she were an envoy from some faraway planet where Republicans didn’t suck quite so badly. 

 

And so Trump will insist that he is “Mr. President.” P01135809 suited him better, and something along those lines may await him still.

Tom Cotton Is Right. Again

By Noah Rothman

Thursday, April 25, 2024

 

There’s something about Senator Tom Cotton that drives his critics to madness. That condition becomes particularly acute when he’s obviously correct. Indeed, Cotton’s correctness maintains a directly proportional relationship with the degree to which he compels his detractors to abandon their good sense.

 

The latest example of this phenomenon comes to us via Mediaite’s Michael Luciano, who accused the senator of indulging in “hysteria” in his recent comments about the ongoing convulsion of nominally anti-Israel but functionally pro-terrorist demonstrations on some of America’s most elite college campuses.

 

“Whatever scant coverage these abominations were receiving in the U.S. press has been supplanted by abject hysteria about anti-Semitism supposedly running amok on college campuses – particularly Columbia University,” Luciano wrote. He accuses the press of promulgating lurid tales of protesters shrieking xenophobic attacks at their Jewish classmates, some of which “did not actually occur on campus.”

 

True enough. When, for example, Jewish students were attacked at Tulane University last year for objecting to the burning of an Israeli flag, leaving one traumatized student to reflect on the “Jewish blood on my hands,” defenders of the current campus culture were quick to note the event occurred just outside the campus’s property line. Presumably, those who raise this objection believe it to be indisputably dispositive of . . . something.

 

But this was not Cotton’s sole offense. In what became an indictment of the Israeli government and the “war crimes” he believes it has committed — the lack of evidence notwithstanding — Luciano attacked the senator for indulging in hyperbole.

 

“I do agree that if Eric Adams won’t send the NYPD to protect these Jewish students, if Kathy Hochul won’t send the National Guard, Joe Biden has a duty to protect these Jewish students from what is a nascent pogrom on these campuses,” Cotton told Fox News this week. “These are scenes like you’ve seen out of the 1930s in Germany. They should never be witnessed or tolerated here in America in 2024.”

 

To give you some clue as to how far gone Cotton’s prosecutor is, Luciano attributes Cotton’s rhetorical excesses to the hothouse atmosphere cultivated as much by Fox as the New York Times. Regardless, it was that “absurd” phrase — “nascent pogrom” — that seemed to set Luciano off. But it’s Cotton who has the firmer grasp on events here. The only thing “absurd” about the senator’s remark was his judicious decision to append “nascent” to his assessment of what America is witnessing on our campuses.

 

The Russian word “pogrom” refers to an organized effort to displace Jewish populations from the spaces in which they reside by force. That is precisely what we’ve seen on far too many college campuses since the October 7 attack.

 

That’s what we saw at Cooper Union, where a braying mob of what we’ve been assured are only anti-Israel protesters threw themselves at the doors of a library in which a handful of Jewish students took refuge. Chanting “globalize the intifada,” in reference to the outbreaks of violence that targeted Israeli civilians with murder, the demonstrators terrorized their Jewish colleagues and compelled them to evacuate their refuge under guard. The Jewish students are suing their school for “being locked in a campus library to shield them from an unruly mob of students that was calling for the destruction of Israel and worldwide violence against Jews.”

 

Similar language could be used to describe the successful effort to scare Jews away from campus facilities at Cornell University. Following an outbreak of threats to “shoot up,” rape, and slash the throats of Jewish students on campus by pseudonymous harassers calling themselves “hamas,” “jew evil,” “jew jenocide,” “hamas warrior,” and “kill jews,” the school threw up its hands. Cornell advised its Jewish matriculants to avoid the campus’s Kosher dining hall lest they risk bodily harm. Of course, those students heeded their school’s warning.

 

“What shocked me the most,” said one witness to Rutgers University’s conciliatory attitude toward its agitated pro-Hamas contingent, “was the fact that the Jews attending the town hall were escorted out by police, not the individuals protesting and breaking the rules.” The event that so enraged the anti-Jewish protesters was only a banal effort by university president Jonathan Holloway to hold an event in which students could ask questions about the war in Gaza and the school’s approach to it. “Before he was able to answer a single one, anti-Israel protesters unleashed chaos,” Zach Kessel reported for NR.

 

And at Columbia, host to the recent spasm of anti-Jewish sentiment that led Cotton to call for reinforcements, the threat of violent antisemitism has forced many Jewish students off campus. The activists who called Jews “inbred,” demanded they “go back to Poland,” and chanted “Burn Tel Aviv to the ground” and “Go Hamas, we love you, we support your rockets, too” somehow managed to convince their Jewish colleagues that they meant business. Columbia administrators appeared to agree. It facilitated their flight to the shadows by moving classes to a “hybrid” setting so Jews could continue to study out of the sight of their tormentors.

 

These and many more incidents like them suggest the rabble’s aim is to harass and intimidate Jews into hiding. The college administrations that have catered to this mob have assisted in the evacuation of their Jewish populations to safer redoubts. We can call this many things, but Russian linguists already provided us with one descriptive word for it. It’s a fine word, and its use in this context is woefully appropriate.

 

So, too, is Cotton’s outraged response to what we’re witnessing. His critics object not to the senator’s accurate assessment of what we’re all seeing but the fact that his indictment of both the mobs and their coddlers on America’s campuses also impeaches those who would tolerate these grotesque displays. If those who would defend these menacing hordes cannot separate their anti-Israel advocacy from calls for violence against Jews, why should Senator Cotton? Indeed, why should any of us?

 

Cotton was as correct today as he was in 2020, when he called for the deployment of the National Guard to the American cities besieged by violent rioters — a call that led left-wing activists to purge from the New York Times masthead anyone who dared countenance Cotton’s advocacy. The Left would have been better served had it taken his advice in 2020, and it would do well to heed his admonitions today. The only “hysteria” to which we are privy is the sort on display from those who don’t want to recognize the true nature of the mobs to whom they’ve ceded America’s colleges.

 

Posterity vindicated Cotton once already. We don’t have to wait for the verdict of history to prove him right again.

Don’t Columbia My Texas

By Daniel J. Samet

Friday, April 26, 2024

 

Student radicals and outside agitators who had watched university administrators capitulate to mob tactics at Columbia, Yale, and other universities thought they could get away with the same antics in Texas. Boy were they wrong.

 

When pro-Hamas protesters descended upon the University of Texas at Austin (UT) on Wednesday, they did not have the free rein to disrupt campus life that they’ve enjoyed elsewhere. Instead, they were met with a massive show of force that should serve as an example to other schools struggling to quell unauthorized protests on their campuses.

 

The Palestine Solidarity Committee’s Austin chapter organized Wednesday’s event. The group called for students to walk out of class at 11:40 a.m. and then “occupy” the campus’ South Lawn until after 7:00 p.m. Protesters were to follow “the footsteps of our comrades at Columbia” while establishing “the Popular University for Gaza,” the group wrote on Instagram. It was a brazen act of lawlessness meant to take over campus so protesters could glorify terrorism and spread blood libels against the Jewish people. Any and all universities committed to keeping their students safe cannot let such things go ahead.

 

UT made clear beforehand that it would not let the protesters have their way. The protest “has declared intent to violate our policies and rules, and disrupt our campus operations,” UT’s Office of the Dean of Students told the Palestine Solidarity Committee in a letter on Tuesday. It added: “The University of Texas at Austin will not allow this campus to be ‘taken’ and protesters to derail our mission in ways that groups affiliated with your national organization have accomplished elsewhere.” The letter stated that students who did not comply could be suspended and arrested. UT’s line in the sand was unambiguous.

 

Hundreds of protestors came anyway, bringing tents in hopes of replicating the scenes at Columbia. Many assumed the university would buckle rather than make good on its warning. But UT showed commendable backbone. A small army of state troopers clad in riot gear, as well as other law-enforcement officials, were there to greet the protest. Their presence wasn’t just for show. According to the Travis County Sherrif’s Office, 57 protesters were arrested. UT took such swift and decisive action that it put down the protest within hours. This stands in marked contrast with the encampments that other schools have allowed to proliferate for days. “UT Austin does not tolerate disruptions of campus activities or operations like we have seen at other campuses,” the school said in a separate statement.

 

Governor Greg Abbott deserves great credit for not surrendering to mob rule. On March 27, he issued an executive order to combat antisemitism in higher education. “Texas supports free speech, especially on university campuses, but that freedom comes with responsibilities for both students and the institutions themselves,” the executive order read. “Such speech can never incite violence, encourage people to violate the law[,] harass other students or other Texans, or disrupt the core educational purpose of a university.”

 

Obviously the UT protest intended to do just that. Whereas elected officials in other states have hemmed and hawed, Governor Abbott acted forcefully to stop the madness. “Arrests being made right now & will continue until the crowd disperses,” he wrote on X. “Antisemitism will not be tolerated in Texas. Period.”

 

UT president Jay Hartzell should be similarly applauded for not going wobbly in the manner of Columbia University president Minouche Shafik. “Our University will not be occupied,” Hartzell wrote in an email defending the crack-down sent to the UT community on Wednesday night.

 

As of this writing, a large group of students and faculty, joined by Congressman Greg Casar, had walked out of class on Thursday to denounce the law enforcement response as well as Israel. Organizers presented to their progressive fellows a list of pie-in-the-sky demands, including UT’s divestment from “companies complicit in the Israeli genocide of Gaza,” “complete amnesty” for protesters, and Hartzell’s resignation. Good luck there. UT posted notices Thursday informing protesters that they must be non-disruptive and disperse by 10:00 p.m. We’ll see what happens, but UT knows what to do if they don’t comply.

 

At a time when so many institutions of higher education haven’t maintained order, it is nice to see that some still can. Protesters must face consequences when they violate university rules. Fail to impose costs, and you get chaos. Weak leaders like Minouche Shafik haven’t learned this foundational lesson.

 

“Don’t California my Texas” is a common refrain from Lone Star State residents who worry their new neighbors will import the progressive policies they’ve fled. This week’s events in Austin show that at the very least, Texas won’t be turned into Columbia.

The Road to Stagflation Is Paved with Bidenomics

National Review Online

Friday, April 26, 2024

 

The first-quarter GDP report disappointed, with annualized growth at only 1.6 percent. At the same time, core PCE inflation, the measure the Fed prefers over the CPI, was 3.7 percent year over year. That’s nearly double the Fed’s long-run target of 2 percent. It’s a good market principle not to react too strongly to one quarter’s numbers, and bond investors seem to have focused more on the PCE data (which reinforced existing fears on inflation and cast another shadow over hopes of rate cuts) than on the GDP report. Yields on ten-year Treasuries went up above 4.7 percent.

 

Despite low unemployment and reasonably strong growth in 2023, the federal government has continued to deficit spend as though the U.S. is in the depths of a massive recession. That spending, and the tranches of debt issuance that accompany it, crowds out private economic activity. It dries up private access to capital and increases pressure on interest rates, which pushes up borrowing costs for businesses looking to build and expand and for individuals looking to buy cars and homes.

 

It also adds inflationary pressure to the economy, which the Fed is supposed to counteract with higher interest rates. Fiscal policy continues to work against monetary policy. The money supply as measured by M2 began to decline in April 2022 as the Fed tightened. It has since flattened out. The long and variable lags of monetary policy might mean that the decline in economic performance one would expect from such a decline in the money supply is finally starting.

 

Yet inflation remains persistent, stuck between 3 percent and 3.8 percent year over year, as measured by the CPI, every month since June 2023. That means it will be hard for the Fed to justify rate cuts while also fulfilling its price-stability mandate from Congress.

 

Expect pressure on the Fed, especially from Democrats, to increase in the coming months as elections approach. They will likely demand rate cuts and blame the Fed for wrecking an economy that is less healthy than some assume. More progressive Democrats, such as Senator Elizabeth Warren, have already spoken of Jerome Powell as a cartoon villain for years.

 

Democrats wanted to spike the football last year, celebrating “Bidenomics” when growth numbers were looking good. Now they have all but banished the term, while free-market advocacy group Americans for Prosperity has bought the web domain bidenomics.com to explain why government-led growth isn’t all it’s cracked up to be.

 

They point out that overall prices are up 19.4 percent since Biden took office, and though nominal wages have increased, cumulative inflation over the same period has meant real hourly wages have slightly declined. Meanwhile the higher interest rates needed to squeeze out inflation aren’t just bad for Americans as home buyers. They are bad for Americans as taxpayers, with interest on the debt costing more than the defense budget last year.

 

The cornerstones of Biden’s economic policy have all been government-based: the infrastructure law, the CHIPS Act, the American Rescue Plan Act, and the so-called Inflation Reduction Act. Together (and, indeed, individually) they represent a massive injection of government spending — and with it, government control — into the U.S. economy. The president wants to pair these moves with tax hikes targeting investment, such as a new tax on unrealized capital gains, which would only discourage the private investment that will be needed if the country is to have any chance of growing its way out of its debt trap.

 

Not too much importance should be attached to one quarter’s numbers, but they still can be seen as a warning of what to expect from an economic policy that puts government in the driver’s seat while, to mix metaphors, throwing private initiative under the (electric) bus.

Thursday, April 25, 2024

Gaslighting in Defense of Bigotry

By Jonah Goldberg

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

“Go back to Poland!”

 

I’m trying to practice what I preach. I tell people that we shouldn’t nutpick: Don’t take the worst examples of one side and claim they’re representative of everybody you disagree with. Don’t let the trolls manipulate you. And my advice doesn’t end there. I often say you shouldn’t let frustration with the media overwhelm you. Also, don’t catastrophize, and don’t let recency bias lead you to think everything is worse than ever. Don’t let your anger get the better of you.   

 

But when I hear pro-terrorist radicals shout “Go back to Poland!” and see so many shrug it off,  it is difficult for me to follow my own advice. So I’m going to try to work calmly through all of the reasons I find it so difficult to maintain my composure. 

 

Let’s start with “Go back to Poland.”

 

Of all the insults hurled at Jews lately, this might seem a weird one to be triggered by. But I find it more infuriating than the other stuff, including even the endorsements of October 7 and the calls for more mass rape and slaughter. Which is not to say I don’t find those incitements infuriating, too. 

 

But “Go back to Poland!” combines, in just four words, an ocean of evil and hypocrisy. I don’t know if the masked bigot in the video linked from that quote is a student or an “outside agitator,” but he is, judging from his accent, an immigrant. I suppose he could be a tourist, but I assume not. The “idea” behind “Go back to Poland” is no Jew is indigenous to Israel. They are all East European Jews that, in the wake of World War II, became settler-colonizers of “Palestinian” land—and therefore they should go back to where they came from. In the context of Israel, it’s a common trope. Helen Thomas, the bitter, wildly biased, Israel-hating, former “dean of the White House press corps” infamously said that Israelis should all go back to Poland and Germany. Now, I reviled Helen Thomas and make no apologies for it, but in her defense, she was at least referring to Israelis she believed had stolen “Palestine” from Arabs. This guy is yelling at American Jews to go back to Poland (and, oddly, Tel Aviv). In other words, he wants America (or New York or Columbia) to be Judenrein.

 

Think about that. An immigrant to the United States thinks Jews have no place in a country where Jews have lived since before its founding. I have all sorts of problems with nativists, but there’s something particularly appalling about a newcomer shouting, in effect, “Go back to where you came from.” I mean, given how much “death to America” talk is swirling out there as well, I’m going to take a flier and say this guy is not making an “America: Love it or Leave it” argument either. 

 

Then there’s the specific issue of Poland. It’s true that Poland was once a relative safe haven for Jews. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was hailed as Paradisus Judaeorum—paradise or heaven for Jews because it was one of the few places in Europe where Jews were safe and free. Jews were chased out of their communities by Christians or Muslims and, later, out of Russia starting with the reign of Catherine the Great. 

 

Even by then Poland had started to become less hospitable. Persecution of Polish Jews started with the religious upheavals of the Reformation. But things got worse in the 20th century. Ninety percent of Polish Jews—some 3 million men, women, and children—were murdered in the Holocaust (most of the remaining Jews were effectively pushed out during the anti-Zionist campaign of 1968-1969). Declaring “go back to ground zero of the Holocaust” is, to speak plainly, evil. 

 

Now, it’s fair to say that making too much of one isolated incident is precisely the kind of nutpicking or argument-by-anecdote I normally decry. And if that was all that was going on here, I’d agree. But in the broader context, I think it’s more significant. 

 

For starters, it’s not isolated. I’m open to the idea that it’s less representative than critics claim. But much of the media coverage and reaction from the progressive base of the Democratic Party often sounds like it’s either completely unrepresentative or flat-out isn’t happening. Some significant fraction of these protesters is obviously antisemitic, and attempts to deny that obvious truth amounts to gaslighting—gaslighting in defense of bigotry. 

 

And this gets me to the issue of hypocrisy. I have written dozens of columns criticizing the logic of critical race theoryanti-racismstructural racism, sexism, etc. But by the logic of the people pushing such ideas, a much larger portion of the protesters are objectively antisemitic, even if unintentionally so. 

 

Until recently, the standard for “hate speech” was profoundly subjective. The intent of the speaker was a secondary consideration to the feelings of the offended. If someone felt “hurt” or “aggressed”  by a statement, that was enough to declare the statement offensive. That’s why higher education and the diversity industry have spent so much time and effort coming up with speech codes and replacement euphemisms for offensive words. Yale replaced the term “master” with “head of college” because the word “master” conjures associations with slavery, even though no one intended any such connotation. Realtors have moved away from “master bedroom” for the same reason. The examples are endless and not just from the fringe. Joe Biden recently got in trouble for using the word “illegal” to describe an immigrant who was here illegally. Obviously, I could give you dozens more examples. 

 

But the point is that vile and intentionally offensive language about Jews is considered fair or defensible comment on free speech grounds. Obviously, I think the free speech argument has merit. But you cannot invoke it in good faith if in the past you defended linguistic legerdemain and bureaucratic and journalistic enforcement of newspeak on the grounds that the eye of the beholder or the ear of the offended is what determines hate speech or offensive language. If writing “blind study” is harmful speech, holding a sign saying that Jewish Columbia students are Hamas’ “next target” for rape and murder has to qualify as harmful speech. You can retreat to the claim that anti-Zionist speech isn’t the same as antisemitic speech, and sometimes that’s true, but not when any Jew on campus who doesn’t join the mob is deemed to be a Zionist. And not when the standard is supposed to be the feelings of the target of the speech. 

 

Also, just to be clear. There is absolutely nothing offensive about being a Zionist. I know a lot of people have committed a lot of man-hours—sorry, person hours—to the claim that Zionism is racist, Nazi, etc. I think being a communist is terrible. Communists killed exponentially more innocent people than Israel is even alleged to have killed. But the Columbia faculty members marching in solidarity with the students and the journalists fawning over them would be the first to void their bowels and bladders in terror and outrage over the “McCarthyism” and “fascism” of mobs chanting the need to purge and harass communists wherever you find them.  

 

Second, as I argued earlier this week on CNN, the debate over what constitutes antisemitism is increasingly a distraction from a more salient point. When you wave a Hezbollah flag, praise Hamas, and say things like, “Never forget the 7th of October,” and, “That will happen not one more time, not five more times, not 10 more times, not 100 more times, not 1,000 more times, but 10,000 times!” the question of whether you’re an antisemite distracts from the plain fact of logic that you are an open supporter of terrorism. Protesters are shouting “Globalize the Intifada!” What does that mean if not “take the fight to Jews, everywhere”? The National Students for Justice in Palestine openly declares that campus protests are exercises in solidarity with the terrorists who murdered, raped, tortured, and kidnapped civilians in Israel and that, “We as Palestinian students in exile are PART of this movement, not in solidarity with this movement.” They go on:

 

Liberation is not an abstract concept. It is not a moment circumscribed to a revolutionary past as it is often characterized. Rather, liberating colonized land is a real process that requires confrontation by any means necessary. In essence, decolonization is a call to action, a commitment to the restoration of Indigenous sovereignty. It calls upon us to engage in meaningful actions that go beyond symbolism and rhetoric. Resistance comes in all forms — armed struggle, general strikes, and popular demonstrations. All of it is legitimate, and all of it is necessary.

 

Condemning terrorism is supposed to be the easy part. For years, anti-Israel activists at least did that much. Now, the mask is off. And even the most “enlightened” of them feel compelled to say they “condemn terrorism, but …”

 

As accurate as I think it would be to describe the sloganeers and chanters as pro-terrorism, that’s obviously too much to ask of the mainstream media, which is not merely biased in favor of the protesters and their cause but is biased toward left-wing protesters generally. So I can live with describing the protesters as “pro-Palestinian” even though I think what animates many of them is better described as “anti-Israel.” 

 

But the common label “anti-war” is propaganda. They are pro-war

 

Openly declaring, in chant form or otherwise, that Israel must be Judenrein by any means necessary, is an open call for war, not peace. Because the only way to “liberate” Israel from the river to the sea is war. Pretending that “from the river to the sea” is a call for a two-state solution is a lie. That’s not the position of Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, SJP, and pretending otherwise is to volunteer as a media praetorian for people who plainly declare they are pro-genocide. And since Israelis are opposed to the genocide of the Jews, they will wage war to prevent it, as they must. 

 

Whether on campus or off, if you cheer “Iran, you make us proud!” when Iran opens a new front in the war on Israel, you are not anti-war. When you defend Hamas’ slaughter but denounce Israel’s response as genocide—even before Israel responds—you aren’t for a ceasefire, you’re against Israel firing back. When you cheer the Houthis for attacking Israel, you are not anti-war. Nor are you pro-American. The official slogan Houthi slogan is ”God Is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews, Victory to Islam.” That is about as succinct a summation of a pro-war, pro-terrorism, antisemitic, anti-American, and theocratically totalitarian worldview as can be crafted. I write often about how I’m a both-sides-er in my contempt for the fringes of both parties. But I’m not a both-sides-er on this. One side is wrong and one side is right. Anything else is gaslighting in defense of evil—and in defense of America’s terrorist enemies. 

 

I have openly condemned and denounced bigotry on the right because it’s the morally necessary thing to do. But that obscures the fact that it is politically and culturally necessary for conservatives and Republicans to do so. Republican politicians are constantly asked to denounce racist or antisemitic rhetoric from the right. Where is a similar demand on the left? To be clear, it does happen. On Monday, Biden was asked to do so. And he did. “I condemn the antisemitic protests,” Biden said. “That’s why I’ve set up a program to deal with that. I also condemn those who don’t understand what’s going on with the Palestinians.”

 

That program was set up explicitly to deal with the antisemitism of the sort seen in Charlottesville. Here’s the first paragraph of the White House’s National Strategy to Counter Anti-Semitism:

 

Six years ago, Neo-Nazis marched from the shadows through Charlottesville, Virginia, chanting, “Jews will not replace us.” With torches in hand, they spewed the same antisemitic bile and hate that were heard across Europe in the 1930s. What happened in Charlottesville—the horror of that moment, the violence that followed, and the threat it represented for American democracy— drove me to run for President. The very soul of our Nation was hanging in the balance. It still is today.

 

This idea that the antisemitism, allegedly encouraged and condoned by Donald Trump, threatened the “very soul of our nation” was Biden’s stated reason for running for president in 2020 in the first place. The antisemitism in Charlottesville was abhorrent and grotesque. So is the antisemitism of Hamas and its domestic defenders. But I don’t hear a lot of talk about the “soul of the nation” being threatened. I hear a lot more talk about how the election results in Michigan hangs in the balance. 

 

It’s fine to discuss the political reality the president faces. Heck, that’s a big part of what I do for a living. But as with the college presidents eager to demonstrate their moral clarity and courage when it aligns with their institutional interests, but who opt to vomit a sludge of false equivalences and euphemisms when moral clarity and courage are inconvenient, this American president is happy to show spinal steel condemning a bunch of bigoted chuds with tiki torches, but is desperate to show spinal flexibility when it comes to far more numerous bigots in his own coalition. 

 

And much of the media is only too eager to help him.

Trump Is Now Whomever His Critics and Backers Need Him to Be

By Charles C. W. Cooke

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

It is fitting, perhaps, that a man who launched his reelection campaign by transmuting himself into a series of gaudy nonfungible tokens would eventually be transformed into an avatar. Donald Trump has long served as a Rorschach Test, but, as he heads undeterred into his third bid for the presidency, he has become something more protean besides. At this stage, there are thousands of Trumps, each tailored to the predilections of the observer. Trump is a myth, an archetype, an emblem. How can it be that a country full of people who speak the same language cannot agree on the elementary facts that attach to the man? Simple: Because each involved in the debate has pulled a different trading card from an increasingly extensive pack.

 

Take the question of Trump’s involvement in the recent bill that provided $60 billion in military aid to Ukraine. There, the plain details are these: Rather than emphatically oppose further funding for Ukraine, Donald Trump submitted that “Ukrainian survival and strength . . . is also important to us”; rather than attempt to sink it behind the scenes, Trump contrived the idea that the aid should be cast as a “loan” — an idea that was adopted, and that proved crucial to its passage; rather than criticize Speaker Mike Johnson for his role in shepherding the package through the House, Trump said publicly that Johnson is a “good person” and “a good man,” who is “trying very hard.” Given his previous rhetoric, it is unclear precisely why Trump did and said these things, but do and say them he most decidedly, indisputably, unequivocally did.

 

Or, at least, the real Donald Trump mostly decidedly, indisputably, unequivocally did. The fictionalized versions of Trump did whatever those writing about him needed him to do. Thus far, two fabricated variations of the man have emerged. One, as contrived by his enemies, fought desperately against more help for Ukraine. The other, as contrived by his fans, did nothing worthy of critique. And never the twain shall meet.

 

Playing helplessly to type, a bunch of the writers at the Bulwark chose to interrogate the ersatz anti-Ukraine-aid rendition of the man. To this end, A. B. Stoddard proposed yesterday that, “to Trump,” the Ukraine funding that Speaker Johnson had secured was “an abomination”; recorded that a bunch of Republicans had “dared to contradict Trump’s worldview, to side with Biden, to defend Ukraine, and to make Putin mad”; and promised that “Trump will make Johnson pay for his Ukraine defiance.” This morning, Bill Kristol echoed this line of thought in a report — headlined “Congress Pokes Trump, Putin in Eye” — that made no attempt to hide that it had been written backwards from its foreordained conclusion:

 

Some will hasten to say that Trump didn’t speak up as clearly as he might have against the aid package, that he made it somewhat easier for Republicans in Congress to vote as they did. There’s some truth to this. Still, Trump hasn’t budged in any fundamental way from the anti-Ukraine, pro-Putin, and anti-NATO stance that he’s embraced for years. So the congressional vote couldn’t help but be a statement of independence from Trump.

 

If you find this persuasive, I do not know what to say to you.

 

Moving onto more comfortable ground, Kristol went on to note that “many Republican elected officials will do their best to paper over this difference” — and, about that, they are absolutely right. To his fans and apologists, the correctness of Donald Trump has become an unfalsifiable proposition. When Trump stands on principle, it is taken as evidence that he, and he alone, is capable of transcending the cynical political calculations that have supposedly made the GOP so weak. And when Trump engages in cynical political calculations, it is seen as confirmation that he, unlike the dogmatic, inflexible, ideology-driven Republican establishment, knows what it takes to win. Stances that yield accusations of “betrayal” for anyone else are adopted, forgiven, or simply ignored when Trump adopts them. Questions that are Manichaean in all other contexts become nuanced the very moment that they are answered unsatisfactorily by Trump. His flaws are unavoidable. His decisions will be explicable in good time. If only the Tsar knew what was happening!

 

At American Greatness yesterday, the staff compiled a list of “heroes” who “said ‘no’ to the Ukraine Aid Bill.” Necessarily, the post contains a list of enemies in turn — a list that includes Joe Biden (who apparently covets a “Forever War in Ukraine”) and “House Speaker Mike Johnson” (who is knocked for his “relentless effort to bring the funding package to a vote”) — but mentions Trump only in passing, as part of a passively voiced afterword that explains without comment, blame, or judgment that any attempt to remove the gavel from Johnson’s hands might end up being complicated by “former president Trump’s very public backing of the embattled House Speaker.”

 

It does not take a literary critic to discern the problem here. If Mike Johnson is “embattled” because he has contravened the wishes of America’s “heroes,” and Donald Trump is “very publicly backing” that same Mike Johnson, then what ought we conclude about Donald Trump? To an honest observer, the answer is obvious: That Trump — who has far more influence than the average backbench representative — ought to be criticized for his role in bringing about an eventuality that American Greatness abhors. But that, clearly, isn’t an option, and so, like the writers at the Bulwark, the staff of American Greatness must replace the messy and incoherent reality of Trump with a cartoon symbol of Trump, onto whom their childish political neuroses can be projected in primary colors at the expense of nothing less important than the truth.

Expel, Don’t Arrest

By Michael Brendan Dougherty

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

Compact magazine editor Matthew Schmitz looks at the documents uncovered by our own Abigail Anthony and comes to the exact right conclusion. These activists do not fear arrest. They assume no charges will be filed, and the romance of getting cuffed and gently dragged around by police enhances their credibility as activists. It’s a romantic adventure:



But their status as approved students of one of the most prestigious universities in America does matter to them. They are counting on activists on the disciplinary board to save them. Make sure it can’t happen.

The KKK at Columbia

By Rich Lowry

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

Is there space for more haters at Columbia University?

 

Imagine if a contingent of alt-right students established their own encampment on a corner of the quad and began to shout antisemitic slogans — say, the infamous chant “Jews will not replace us” from the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville in 2017.

 

Would the president of Columbia, Nemat “Minouche” Shafik, hesitate to have them arrested as many times as necessary to make them go away?

 

Would a huge contingent of faculty walk out to protest the arrests?

 

Would the president of Barnard, Laura Rosenbury, quickly lift the suspensions of the arrested students?

 

Answers: No, never, and of course not.

 

As Phil Klein has noted, there is a gross double standard in how progressive opinion regards antisemitism depending on who is peddling it. The antisemitism of the Right is considered morally abhorrent and inherently threatening. The antisemitism of the Left is very often ignored, explained away, or viewed as a regrettable excess.

 

The “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville — an execrable but relatively small-scale event — caused a near-national crisis. According to Joe Biden, it was such a galvanizing moment that it, and Trump’s response, prompted him to run for president.

 

The protests at Columbia have been widely criticized, but they have also garnered elite sympathy, most notably from supportive left-wing members of Congress and the school’s own faculty, who have clearly been staying Shafik’s hand. Meanwhile, more than 1,400 academics from a variety of schools are calling for a boycott of Columbia for allegedly being much too tough on the protesters.

 

There are obviously differences between Charlottesville and Columbia. The rally in Virginia featured violent clashes with counter-protesters and led to a murder. The groups involved were explicit hate groups, like the KKK, with violent pasts. Still, the bottom line is that the antisemitism of “Unite the Right” was roundly condemned as such.

 

One of the most enduring images of Charlottesville is the tiki-torch march on the grounds of the University of Virginia the night before the main rally. And that episode wasn’t so different from what’s been happening at Columbia — it involved an unauthorized protest, intimidating behavior, and noxious slogans. “Jews will not replace us” is relatively mild compared to some of what’s been shouted and chanted at Columbia. (One protester shouted at a Jewish student, “The 7th of October is going to be every day for you,” and other Jewish students leaving campus were told to “go back to Poland.”)

 

If the tiki-torchers showed up at Columbia, though, faculty members themselves would be calling the police.

 

No doubt, they’d accuse the marchers of using eliminationist rhetoric and having an eliminationist agenda. But, as Jonathan Chait has pointed out, two of the national groups organizing anti-Israel student protests are themselves frankly eliminationist.

 

Clearly, not all antisemites are created equal.

 

What accounts for the double standard? Some of it is pure tribalism and hesitancy to rebuke one’s own side. Some of it is a sympathetic understanding of the protesters — sure, some of them have gone astray, but most are good kids — and a shared opposition to the Gaza war.

 

More fundamentally, through the perverse prism of the woke Left, alt-right antisemites are the victimizers while pro-Hamas antisemites are the victims. Put another way, devotees of the alt-right are racist antisemites, while supporters of Hamas are “anti-racist” antisemites, and that makes all the difference. All the other forms of “anti-” of the Columbia protesters and their ilk — anti-Israel, anti-American, anti-Western, anti-colonial — redeem their antisemitism.

 

By the same token, the Jewish student menaced by tiki-torchers at UVA is worthy of protection and sympathy, whereas the Jewish student who wants to stand on the quad at Columbia in the vicinity of the encampment should probably save everyone a lot of trouble and go someplace else.

 

In sum, the white supremacists should stay away from Columbia — their kind of antisemitism isn’t welcome there.

Biden’s Attack on Women’s Sports

National Review Online

Thursday, April 25, 2024

 

In a sweeping new Title IX rule, the Biden administration has usurped Congress to undermine free speech, dissolve due process, and redefine sex to include “gender identity.” The rule, effective August 1, will force all educational entities in receipt of federal funds to allow males access to female spaces, sports, and scholarships whenever they claim transgender status.

 

In 1972, Title IX, an education amendment to the Civil Rights Act, made it unlawful to discriminate “on the basis of sex.” Of course, there have always been contexts in which it is necessary to acknowledge sex differences to ensure the safety, privacy, and equal opportunity of females — a fact that the law’s drafters explicitly acknowledged. Fifty years ago, lawmakers understood sex to be anatomical and weren’t in the grip of dubious “gender identity” theory.

 

This biology-based understanding of sex still prevails today. Take sports, for instance. Most Americans believe that sports should be segregated by sex, without regard to transgender status. Presumably aware of public opinion, the Biden administration frames its Title IX rewrite as separate from the athletics question, saying it will deal with that issue later. But this claim is false. If discrimination “on the basis of sex” includes gender identity, why shouldn’t that apply to sports?

 

As May Mailman, director of the Independent Women’s Law Center (IWLC), has noted, in 2021, the Department of Justice filed a statement of interest in the West Virginia women’s sports dispute claiming that, in its interpretation, Title IX’s text already does “not permit West Virginia to categorically exclude transgender girls from participating in single-sex sports restricted to girls.”

 

Moreover, the new Title IX rule specifically notes that locker rooms and restrooms should be available to users based on gender identity. Women and girls may now be exposed to male genitalia where they once enjoyed privacy.

 

When Betsy DeVos was secretary of education under Trump, she put in place robust due-process protocols for those accused of sexual misconduct. Biden’s rule demolishes these. Under the new rule, not only does the accused have no right to see the evidence against him or her, but the definition of “sex-based harassment” has been so broadened that it could even include a person’s use of sex-based pronouns — i.e., biologically accurate and constitutionally protected speech.

 

Some colleges, such as Stanford University, already punish “misgendering” and “mispronouncing” as a form of discrimination. Under Biden’s Title IX omnibus rule, every educational program would have to do the same.

 

Already, some schools justify their decision to “transition” children behind the backs of their parents based on the Department of Education’s flawed Obama-era interpretation of Title IX. Biden’s rewrite perpetuates this erroneous interpretation, worsening the grave nationwide assault on parental rights.

 

The new rule has malignant influence even in health care. Obamacare relies on Title IX to define sex discrimination, so the new rule may require doctors and insurance companies to give drugs and surgeries to gender-distressed children to alter their sex characteristics.

 

In his Title IX ruling, Biden is attempting to deliver on a campaign promise to restore the campus kangaroo courts of the Obama era and appease the LGBTQ activists in his base. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona attempts to dress up this radicalism in the language of moderation. In doing so, he and the media outlets promoting this spin are playing the public for fools.

 

Already, a lawsuit by the IWLC is in the works to challenge this outrageous abuse of executive power. Title IX exists to protect women and girls from sex-based discrimination. Yet the Biden administration would use it to inflict the very damage it purports to prevent.

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

Waiting for Caesar

By Philip A. Wallach

Thursday, April 18, 2024

 

Are the American people fit to govern themselves? Our Constitution’s first words assume so. In formal discourse, both major political parties hasten to present themselves as agents of the people’s will.

 

But among the theorists of the “New Right,” it is fast becoming an article of faith that the true answer is no — that the American people do not govern themselves, and are not fit to do so. Instead, all the official prattle about democracy is a drooping façade for oligarchy. Anyone who says that we can, at this juncture, vindicate regular people’s interests through existing constitutional forms is either a knave (a knowing servant of the blob, obfuscating purposely) or a fool (a naïf or nostalgic who refuses to see the decadence, depredation, and degeneracy all around us).

 

Two books in particular prosecute this case: Michael Anton’s The Stakes (2020) and Patrick Deneen’s Regime Change (2023). Anton’s book extends his famous 2016 essay “The Flight 93 Election,” imploring regular Americans to treat every election as a desperate attempt to wrest control of the country from a vindictive leftist elite before it is too late. He insists that while “principled” conservatives are beholden to an obsolete ideology and can only lose this fight, a realigned nationalist-populist party can win. In a similar vein, Deneen argues that America is dominated by a coalition of left and right “liberals” who fetishize progress and fear the people. “Woke capitalism” puts off the people’s righteous demands by offering “diversion, consumption, and hedonism,” but the time is coming for “the creation of a postliberal order” that may keep existing forms of government but will need to utterly transform their “ethos.”

 

Anton and Deneen aspire to vindicate the interests of the masses, but their recipe is not simply to empower the people as they currently exist. Instead, Anton and Deneen argue that, sometime in the last half century, “we the people” shed those virtues needed to make self-government function. Too many citizens have sunk into the miasma of identitarian grievance-mongering, cut off from our civilizational inheritance. And so, in the 2020s, we barely have any real politics; instead, the Bigs (Pharma, Ag, Tech) and the military–industrial complex lock in the status quo for their own benefit, bringing in hordes of immigrants to keep labor costs down while showing contempt for the concerns of ordinary people. As Anton puts it, “Californication” will soon engulf the entire country, entailing profligate social spending, indifference to urban crime, and unfathomable inequality, not to mention distasteful “overcrowding.”

 

Why do Anton and Deneen think the situation is so dire, and the American people so unable to rise to the moment? In their telling, this is all but self-evident. Cities are filthy, prices are soaring, the border is overrun, the postindustrial heartland is decaying, everything is made in China, our youth are addled by internet porn and drugs, deaths of despair are rampant — and government responses to all of these problems are incompetent or actively hurtful. In short, “American carnage” is the shared experience — except for the “ruling class,” a group that is nebulous but surely ought to be reviled. If official statistics tell us that the working class’s real wages have risen since the pandemic, that poverty has fallen significantly over the past 25 years, and that we are having a historic run of steady job growth and low unemployment, well, can you really trust official, elite-collected statistics?

 

For those of us who experience contemporary America as a complicated mixture of good and bad trends, Anton’s and Deneen’s depiction of our country as a hellscape and our fellow citizens as sybaritic husks may seem downright bizarre. But it is understandable if we take it seriously rather than literally and consider what purpose it plays in their broader project.

 

If the country is a disaster and the citizenry deeply corrupted, then we cannot hope to right things through normal politics. Conservative persuasion is hopeless when there is so very little worth conserving and the whole education of so many wrong-thinking inhabitants has turned them against sound policy. Benjamin Disraeli may have been able to form a workingman’s Toryism, but we have fewer materials at hand and must look to more radical means.

 

What we need, as Deneen puts it, is “an elite cadre skilled at directing and elevating popular resentments” so as to turn the masses into an effective political force that will strike fear into the hearts of any who lack an appropriately solidaristic mind-set or a willingness to “redistribut[e] social capital.” Likewise Anton: “The most important thing we need to do is unquestionably the hardest: create, and elevate, a new elite.” If members of this new elite can win some elections, so much the better, but the more important task is to fundamentally reeducate the people, freeing them from the false consciousness that has brought them low. Anton, quoting Sam Francis, says that the “Middle American Right” must “create a radicalized Middle American consciousness that can perceive the ways in which exploitation of the middle classes is institutionalized and understand how it can be resisted.”

 

In short, they are calling for a vanguard of the proletariat to purge false consciousness from the land. Whereas Lenin said “the role of vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory,” and had Marxism in mind, Anton and Deneen want “Machiavellian means to Aristotelian ends.” Their peculiar sort of revolutionary is to be thinking of Thomas Aquinas as he scales the ramparts of debased institutions, but the practitioner of Bannonism-Leninism will share certain characteristics with his French and Russian forebears. He is, as Deneen puts it, to disclaim any ambition “to achieve ‘balance’ or a form of ‘democratic pluralism’ that imagines a successful regime comprised of checks and balances,” instead relentlessly advancing the common good over the protestations of its enemies. Divergence from the party’s program ought to be regarded as inimical to the people; disagreement is ipso facto bad. Ruthless persecution of class enemies is to be relished.

 

If the right revolutionaries fail to seize the commanding heights, Anton is ready to consider darker alternatives, many of which he labels dystopian. He also flirts, rather kittenishly, with the possibility of a “red Caesar” who would respond to the “breakdown of the republic” with “authoritarian one-man rule.” Outwardly, Anton disclaims this as a serious possibility — “prospects for red Caesarism seem fanciful, the stuff of cheap political thrillers and big-budget summer blockbusters.” But he concedes that the arrangement might have many merits. A “good Caesar” will rule as Xenophon’s Simonides urges Hiero the tyrant to rule: to see the country as his estate and the people as his children and friends.” He points out “that Roman civilization peaked under the original Caesars.” (As if to confirm this, he then cites prosperity under the “five good emperors.” But they did not come into power until a.d. 96, more than a century after “the original Caesar.” Coming from a Straussian, this sort of error is perhaps meant to convey some deep and probably dark intimation, but who knows.) Caesarism would be a risky business, of course, but “a nation no longer capable of ruling itself must be ruled.” In the same vein, others of the New Right have adopted a vocabulary of “subjects” rather than “citizens.” And where Anton, at least in 2020, was either coy or genuinely ambivalent about Caesarism, some of his followers are much more open. In a typical example, one writes for the American Mind, a Claremont Institute publication, that a Caesar “who at least militates for order rather than further chaos and recrimination” would be a welcome change, since “America today is increasingly an empire not of laws but of corrupt men.”

 

***

 

Colorful as these discussions are, they lead down blind alleys.

 

First, if citizens are already debased, assuring them that a chosen class or a single strongman will swoop in and save them is just about the worst conceivable way to regenerate their virtue. If “aristo-populists” will do the hard work of self-government, doesn’t that imply ordinary people should content themselves with bread and circuses? That way lie the dystopias of The Hunger Games or WALL-E, depending on how good artificial intelligence turns out to be.

 

If regenerating virtue is the goal, a completely different tack is needed. Deneen is an admirer of Christopher Lasch, who was also a regime skeptic and a withering critic of the betrayals of educated elites. But Lasch thought that virtue could come only from the exercise of responsibility. Waiting for the people to be virtuous before entrusting them with self-government was a recipe for permanently disempowering them.

 

To be a friend to the people, one must actually believe in their capacity to decide for themselves, mistakes and all. And in the age of a professionalized service economy, that must include plenty of desk jockeys, not just yeoman farmers or blue-collar trade unionists. Anton and Deneen offer little but contemptuous dismissal for educated professionals, at times suggesting, in ways jarringly similar to Marxist denunciations of the bourgeoisie, that they are a parasite class. But do they (we) really deserve to be sent off to the gulags? Why not have a little sympathy for people trying to make our modern institutions (even the Bigs!) operate well, with all the frustrations of limited agency that modern corporate and bureaucratic forms create? Effective self-government in America, if it is to come, cannot simply cast these people out for supposed ideological and political sins.

 

There is a second, more prosaic way in which the authors’ apologias for undemocratic politics disserve them: If readers are persuaded that a full “regime change” is needed for government to serve normal Americans again, they will be discouraged from seeking to vindicate their interests in normal politics, instead ceding the field to the worst tendencies of “the oligarchy.” In other words, as they dream of exiting our system for a just new order, they will neglect to make their voices heard in normal politics. This would be a real shame, because many of the policy issues that motivate Anton and Deneen seem entirely amenable to normal politics. Both parties offer legislation meant to help families, but Deneen pooh-poohs these proposals and instead pines for a “family czar” who would look to Hungary for inspiration. For his part, Anton calls for striking more Trumpist blows against free trade and immigration, and for industrial policy. Whatever one thinks of the merits of these views, American politics is clearly ready to include them, even in a Joe Biden administration.

 

More fundamentally, Anton’s and Deneen’s vanguardism is profoundly at odds with the American political tradition, and thus (much to the credit of that tradition) is likely to be self-defeating in an American context. Previous generations of Americans were preoccupied with Julius Caesar, but he was a purely negative example. His enemies, Brutus and Cato the Younger, were held up as symbols of republican virtue to be emulated. Anathematizing the tyrannies of Caesar, Cromwell, George III, and both Napoleons was standard congressional fare from the time of the Founders through most of the 19th century. In the 20th century, Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler supplanted these earlier figures as embodiments of tyranny, ever to be avoided.

 

Some on the new right have suggested that this preoccupation with unjust rulers has distorted Americans’ political imagination. Certainly Deneen, who wants to say that Anglo-American political thought took a wrong turn somewhere in the 18th century, might be expected to do so. Adrian Vermeule and Eric Posner dismiss this whole aspect of our political tradition as hysterical “tyrannophobia” that has made Americans far too suspicious of executive power sensibly deployed.

 

But if Anton and Deneen want to be bringers of a new regime, it really is strange for them to rely so heavily on foreign materials. No matter how alienated from the current governing class they are, American patriots are not going to start flying “Tread on me” flags. (Anton’s sneering contempt for what once upon a time were known as the rights of Englishmen reaches epic proportions; he says that “what roadkill is to flies, appeals to ‘freedom’ are to conservatives.”) They are likely to want their populism straight rather than “aristo”-inflected, and while desire for a strongman may be rising, it is still a distinctly minority preference. Americans want a president who will fight for their interests, but suggesting that they go out and get an emperor is a good way to ensure political irrelevance even if it delights some very-online types.

 

Developing far afield of all this big talk, the more pressing question is whether our “democratic” and “republican” parties are still committed to representative government, with all of the compromise and mutual forbearance it requires. Beyond their normal attempts to win elections, both parties have formulated scripts in recent years about why their opposition is illegitimate. Neither Donald Trump nor Stacey Abrams questions the American people’s supremacy as expressed in elections. But both have been willing to claim that elections, as they are actually administered, are designed to distort rather than reveal the people’s will.

 

Those of us who still believe in self-government — yes, even with this American people — need to be keenly aware of this acid and keep it from corroding our constitutional institutions. We need to get people practicing politics, attending to the many problems that ail us in all their mundane details. If we do, we may find that regular people’s common sense has not deserted them so completely, and that Americans can still be trusted to do the right thing, eventually. By comparison, the New Right’s fantasies are indeed “the stuff of cheap political thrillers.”

Of Course Supporting Ukraine Is in America’s Interests

By Dan Crenshaw

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

 

Supporting Ukraine’s fight against Russia has become a contentious issue. There are many reasons for this, but one stands out: This important matter has never been properly explained within the context of America’s self-interest. Why does this war in Europe matter to Americans?

 

The answer is one our president should have given from the beginning: We have two choices; we can either keep the aggressive Russian Army where it is, or we can let it murder tens of thousands more Ukrainians and position itself on the borders of four NATO countries.

 

There are no other choices. There is no magical third option in which we get “peace” or Europeans can support Ukraine without American help. Putin won’t agree to peace as long as he thinks he can keep advancing.

 

The ultimate question, then, is this: Which one of those scenarios is more likely to draw American forces into war?

 

It is the scenario in which Putin takes Ukraine, realizes the West has given up, and continues his aggression against our NATO allies in the Baltic states. This is the scenario that brings us to the brink of a shooting war. It may not happen this year or next, but surely our children will one day have to be in Europe fighting for our allies. Don’t take my word for it; listen to Putin himself, whose own words over the years have indicated his imperialist ambitions.

 

So, despite the critics’ claim that “we are perpetuating a war” by assisting Ukraine, the truth is that their preferred option — leaving Ukraine to be conquered and subjugated — actually brings us closer to war.

 

Unfortunately, President Biden has never made this very simple argument about why backing Ukraine matters to American interests. This isn’t about lofty claims to be “defending democracy” or “standing up to dictators.” This is about stone-cold American self-interest.

 

The modern American way of life is dependent on a stable world and the global economy that we have effectively led since WWII. The world before WWII was always in relative chaos, and it’s not a world we want to return to. If we allow it to come back — if dictators can invade other countries to seize their territory and resources — what happens to global commodity prices, supply chains, and the availability of basic necessities? They all come under threat.

 

Even if Putin did stop at Ukraine, the economic consequences would still be large, considering Ukraine’s abundance of grain exports and critical materials like nitrogen, neon, and iron. And that’s to say nothing of the invitation Putin’s success would constitute for other would-be aggressors. Imagine China claiming control of Taiwan, which produces 90 percent of the world’s advanced semiconductors, or Iran going to war to control oil exports in the Middle East. All these enemies are testing America’s resolve to remain the leader of the free world and defend the global economy that we benefit from the most. Giving up on Ukraine sends a clear message that we are abdicating that role, creating a domino effect of invade-and-conquer politics that would send us right back to the pre-WWII era — except this time with China calling the shots. That is not a world in which our children would remain prosperous, and it sure isn’t putting America First.

 

This is the simplest reason why stopping Russian aggression matters to every American: Our way of life depends upon a free, stable world. But there are also other reasons that this is a good deal for America. First off, about 80 percent of the money appropriated doesn’t go directly to Ukraine but to our defense–industrial base and our military. We are giving the Ukrainians old weapons and buying new ones. We are “reawakening” our dormant and decaying supply chains and production lines, which will help us be better prepared for a potential conflict against China. In the end, we have spent only about 5–10 percent of our annual defense budget to support Ukraine, and we have gotten massive strategic benefits from it. The Russian Army has been stopped and badly damaged, and we have not lost one American soldier.

 

Should we have also passed meaningful border-security measures? Of course. We tried to make that happen, but the same politics that always deny progress on border security prevailed again.

 

In the end, each member gets to vote on the legislation in front of us. We can always find excuses to vote against something. It’s the easy way out. But when the future of American security and global dominance is at stake, we must put politics aside and do the hard work of actually explaining these issues to our constituents.

No, the Desire to Arm Our Allies Does Not Make One a ‘Warmonger’

By Jim Geraghty

Monday, April 22, 2024

 

My colleague Jay Nordlinger notes that Utah senator Mike Lee declares, “The Senate should say NO to the warmonger wishlist pushed through by Speaker Johnson.”

 

“Warmonger wishlist.”

 

This sort of rhetoric reveals that the objection to the House bill isn’t really about wanting border security, as Lee insists. Nor is Lee’s beef really about “gender advisors” being in the Ukrainian military (more on that below), or fears that the humanitarian aid to Gaza will somehow be traded for more weapons for Hamas.

 

No, when you’re tossing the term “warmonger” at those who want to put weapons in the hands of our allies so they can defend themselves from the likes of Russia and China and Hamas and Iran, you’re determined to smear the heroes as the villains and tout the villains as the heroes.

 

Ukraine and Israel and Taiwan did not start any of these fights. Their only “crime” is existing and looking like awfully appealing targets to men such as Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh, and Iranian ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

 

Let’s look at Taiwan.

 

There are some opponents of additional aid to Ukraine who say we can’t afford to send more equipment there, because we need to shore up Taiwan’s defense. Never mind that what’s happening in Ukraine is primarily a land battle, and the defense of Taiwan would be primarily an air and sea battle. Never mind that the Taiwanese are telling the U.S. not to abandon Ukraine, because they know Xi Jinping is watching the Ukraine war closely for signs that American resolve is short-lived. Never mind that Ukraine and Taiwan are developing closer ties in defense efforts.

 

Never mind that separately, the current backlog of U.S. arms sales to Taiwan amounts to at least $19.17 billion — and it contains everything from torpedoes to Harpoon coastal-defense systems to F-16s to MQ-9 Reaper drones to HIMARS launchers. This is not U.S. aid, or U.S. donations of weapons. This is not stuff covered by the legislation that passed the House. These are weapons that the Taiwanese have already paid for, and that we have not yet shipped over to that island nation. (And despite what our increasingly outdated “One China policy” claims, Taiwan is a nation.) This is because our defense-industrial base and the Pentagon arms-transfer approval process move with all the ease and speed of a kidney stone.

 

How the hell do you perceive Taiwan as a “warmonger”? It’s just sitting there. Trust me, it’s doing just fine, and its citizens would love to spend the rest of their lives making semiconductor chips and never think about the Chinese Communist Party and its armies. But they can’t, because Xi is literally openly telling President Biden to his face that “Beijing will reunify Taiwan with mainland China,” but that he hasn’t decided when that will occur.

I doubt our president objected to Xi’s use of the term “reunify,” but as I noted during my reporting from Taiwan last fall, these two places have never been unified:

 

Taiwanese political scientists are quick to point out that the regime in Beijing and Taiwan’s democratically elected counterpart in Taipei have never been unified, so this is unification, not re-unification. The use of the term reunification implies a unity that never existed. Mainland China used to be under the control of the Nationalist Party of China, or Kuomintang (KMT), but Taiwan/Formosa has never been under the control of the Chinese Communist Party.

 

The fact that the likes of Senator Lee are labeling aid to Taiwan as part of the “warmonger wishlist” tells us two things. First, a whole lot of people who are insisting that we can’t help Ukraine because we must prioritize Taiwan will abandon Taiwan at the first opportunity. There are a whole bunch of head-in-the-sand isolationists who are posing as China hawks right now.

 

Second, a whole bunch of people who claim to be “tough on China” are strangely reticent about actually taking action that will hinder future Chinese aggression. Lee describes himself as “tough on China.” If Lee votes against this package that includes military aid to Taiwan, how is he tough on China? What’s the point of all that rhetoric if your actual voting record is what the regime in Beijing would prefer to see?

 

Regarding that reference above to “gender advisors” being in the Ukrainian military, Lee’s objection is that the Ukrainian military is adopting the methods used by NATO forces for integrating women into its armed forces.

 

So, one objection to sending more U.S. assistance to the Ukrainian military is that it is likely to lose the war because of a lack of manpower. Another objection to sending more U.S. assistance to the Ukrainian military is that it is addressing that manpower shortage by integrating more and more women into the armed forces, civil-defense militias, etc. I just want to tell these people, “Pick one.”

 

These people reason backward. They start with the conclusion, “We shouldn’t help Ukraine, and we should avert our eyes as Putin’s armies shove civilians into mass graves,” and work their reasoning backward from there.

 

Lee calls for “negotiations for a peaceful solution” with Vladimir Putin.

 

Where is this nice, reasonable, easygoing, and levelheaded Putin that these guys see? The only Russian “peaceful solution” that’s ever been on the table was a disarmed Ukraine, where the Russian army could roll in and take over the rest of the country whenever it wanted. We would never take that deal; why would we ever tell the Ukrainians that they should accept vassal status? Ukraine’s hopes of avoiding another invasion would rest entirely on the promises of Vladimir Putin. I know this is going to shock you, but I think the former KGB colonel isn’t always an honest person!

 

Mike Lee is arguing for cutting off U.S. military assistance and negotiating with Putin, just weeks after Putin himself said he’s not interested in negotiating, because the U.S. has cut off military assistance. Whether Lee realizes it or not, he’s not calling for a “peaceful solution,” he’s calling for a unilateral Ukrainian surrender.

 

If you want peace, prepare for war. It’s an old, difficult lesson that history keeps teaching democracies and free nations the hard way, over and over again.