Democratic Socialism Has a Big Problem

By Carroll Doherty

Friday, August 07, 2026

 

Progressive Democrats are on a roll, Michigan has become ground zero in this fall’s midterms, and—stop me if you’ve heard this one—the polls got it wrong. These are among the topics dominating political discourse following Abdul El-Sayed’s hairbreadth victory in Tuesday’s Democratic Senate primary in Michigan.

 

But there’s a subject getting less attention that could have a major impact on Democrats’ fortunes going forward, not just this year but in 2028 and beyond. And that’s the public’s deep skepticism about democratic socialism.

 

Note that’s democratic socialism and not the democratic socialist candidates whose string of election victories in mostly blue areas has been the story of the midterms. El-Sayed, whose Michigan win has been the signature victory for socialists thus far, doesn’t embrace the label of “democratic socialist.” Still, many of his progressive positions align with the movement, and he’s been endorsed by democratic socialist stalwarts Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Bernie Sanders.

 

But there’s no avoiding the fact that democratic socialism just isn’t very popular, except among those Democrats who occupy the far-left quadrant of the ideological spectrum. A good place to look at this is in Wisconsin, where democratic socialist Francesca Hong is currently leading in next week’s Democratic primary for governor.

 

A late July poll in Wisconsin by the Marquette Law School (I know, another state poll, but this one really is the “gold standard”) headlined Hong’s 11-point lead in the race, while noting the large share of voters—45 percent—who were still undecided.

 

Yet beyond the horse race, the poll found more than twice as many Wisconsin voters viewed democratic socialists unfavorably as favorably, 55 percent to 25 percent.  Interestingly, when pollsters asked a separate group of voters specifically about the “Democratic Socialists of America,” the results were less one-sided—43 percent favorable, 25 percent unfavorable—but mostly just because more respondents said they hadn’t heard enough to offer an opinion.

 

The poll’s internals underscore deeply bifurcated attitudes toward democratic socialism: Quite simply, liberals like it, while almost everyone else, including more moderate Democrats, are either negative or still making up their minds. Very liberal Democrats view democratic socialism favorably by an astounding 82 percent to 3 percent; among liberals, the balance is 10 to 1 favorable.

 

Meanwhile, among Wisconsin’s conservative and moderate Democrats, who comprise close to half of all of the state’s Democratic voters, the main response was … democratic what? In a state where the Democratic front-runner for the party’s gubernatorial nomination carries that label, a 56 percent majority offered no opinion of democratic socialism. Among the remainder, slightly more viewed it favorably than unfavorably.

 

Independents, always crucially important in a state famous for its razor-thin election margins, view democratic socialism negatively by 4 to 1. Republicans, you ask? One percent favorable. Enough said.  

 

‘Communism’ or healthcare for all?

 

National polling shows pretty much the same thing. Large shares of voters are unfamiliar with democratic socialism; among the rest, negative views far exceed positive ones.

 

In a year when Republicans are desperate to shift voters’ focus from the affordability crisis and President Donald Trump’s historically low job performance ratings, the rise of democratic socialism seems almost heaven-sent. Trump has gotten a head start in savaging the movement, calling democratic socialists “godless communists” and the greatest threat to the country since its founding.  

 

But there’s enough material in the democratic socialist agenda that’s anathema to voters that Republicans may not need to resort to hyperbole. To start with, take the official program of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA). These are the policy proposals of the organization itself, not all democratic socialists and certainly not the Democratic Party. But don’t count on the GOP making fine distinctions when campaigning this fall.

 

The GOP data and polling firm Echelon Insights recently tested a range of policy proposals, some of which mirror those in the DSA’s program. Among other things, the DSA plan calls for “defunding the Department of War.” Echelon found that, by more than 2 to 1, voters were less likely to back a candidate who favors significantly reducing military funding and closing overseas bases. There’s also a proposal to take steps to “fully abolish the police and prison system” (no surprise, 7 to 1 less likely) and restoring voting rights for “incarcerated people and people with criminal convictions” (more than 2 to 1 less likely).

 

It’s hard to know how voters feel about some of the even more out-there DSA ideas, like abolishing the Senate or replacing the presidency and Supreme Court with an executive and judiciary chosen by Congress. There’s no polling that I could find on these proposals.  

 

Yet there’s another side to the democratic socialist agenda that does have significant appeal, centered on expanding the government social safety net, providing Medicare for all, and hiking taxes on the highest incomes.

 

These are the ideas that helped carry El-Sayed to his primary win this week and Zohran Mamdani to his victory in New York City’s mayoral race last fall. Echelon tested seven economic proposals associated with democratic socialists and found voters, by margins of 2 to 1 or more, said they’d be more likely to support candidates who back them, including raising taxes for high earners, making Medicare available to all, and providing universal childcare and pre-K and tuition-free higher education.

 

And then there’s Israel. Support for cutting off all U.S. aid to Israel—a centerpiece of democratic socialist campaigns across the nation—roughly divides voters overall. Yet there is no question that public opinion is turning against Israel. Pew Research Center, where I used to work, recently found that favorable views of Israel had fallen 18 points since 2022 and 7  points in the last year alone.

 

The image problem.

 

This fall’s midterms are not going to be a referendum on democratic socialism. In the end, the elections will largely be about Trump, the Iran war, and affordability—especially gas prices—all of which is very good news for Democrats.

 

But Democratic leaders are struggling with the reality that a sizable portion of the party’s base is attracted to a movement with a toxic public image and one whose ideas—some, not all—are nonstarters for most voters.

 

Perhaps the only saving grace for democratic socialism is that it is coming to prominence at a time when virtually all political institutions and actors—both parties, the president, and congressional leaders—are all viewed negatively, so it’s definitely not alone in its unpopularity.

 

A recent Reuters/Ipsos poll underscored this in almost comical symmetry: Only 27 percent of Americans said democratic socialists had at least some good ideas. And what about  MAGA Republicans’ ideas? That number was also 27 percent.