By Rich Lowry
Wednesday, September 02, 2026
Where does Tom Homan go to get his apology?
When Trump put his border czar in charge of unwinding the
controversial Department of Homeland Security operation in Minneapolis earlier this year, critics on the
right believed that Homan would be the instrument of a broad Trump climb-down
on his
signature issue.
Gregory Bovino, the border officer who had been in charge
in Minneapolis before getting supplanted by Homan, accused him of pretending to
be tough while giving up on mass deportations.
As it turns out, immigration arrests hit a record for
Trump’s second term in June at 43,000, and the number increased again in July
to 50,000.
Removals, too, were at a high in July — 34,000.
There was a dip in enforcement after Trump pulled back
from Minneapolis. It didn’t last long, though. As the administration settled on
a new approach, and funding from the Big Beautiful Bill Act — $75 billion for
ICE — flowed into additional enforcement assets, the numbers began to increase
again.
Homan has avoided the pyrotechnics favored by the
attention-seeking former head of DHS, Kristi Noem, who sent Bovino to
Minneapolis. Instead, he’s continued robust enforcement without relishing
cinematic images of militarized raids and clashes with protesters for their own
sake.
In fact, anti-ICE activists are complaining about the
lack of flashiness. According to The Guardian, they say that because
arrests are “generally happening routinely, and quietly, volunteers who had
taken to keeping watch for ICE vehicles and officers in certain cities and
blowing whistles when they spotted immigration agents, were lately having trouble
seeing how and where ICE is operating.”
The new tactics depend heavily on routine pickups of
illegal aliens at traffic stops and immigration check-ins, as well as at
airports.
A spate of news stories has emphasized, in a critical
tone, how for the first time a majority of those apprehended haven’t committed
other crimes besides their immigration offenses. It may be that Trump and Homan
have put too much emphasis in their rhetoric on going after “the worst of the
worst,” but there is no reason that more routine immigration offenders should
be held harmless.
(The effort to track down and detain criminals continues,
by the way — Operation Rotten Apple in New York has taken murderers, rapists,
and gang members off the streets over the last few weeks.)
It is true that staying and working here illegally
doesn’t necessarily make someone a threat to public safety. It does, however,
involve committing other crimes — identity theft, Social Security fraud,
falsifying I-9 employment forms, and the like. Regardless, immigration law very
clearly gives the government authority to arrest and detain illegal immigrants,
and in some instances, mandates it.
ICE is required to detain aliens who are under final
orders of removal, and there are plenty of those. Andrew Arthur of the Center
for Immigration Studies points out that immigration judges issued nearly half a
million orders of removal in the first nine months of this fiscal year alone.
The fact is that the illegal immigrant population in the
United States is roughly 15 million people, with a substantial number arriving
during the Biden years alone. The only way to reduce this population is to
arrest and deport illegal aliens, or to convince them — as a way to avoid their
own arrest and deportation — to leave under their own power.
It is Tom Homan’s insight that the most politically
sustainable way to effect this policy is to pursue it in a nonconfrontational
manner and keep it out of the headlines to the extent possible. There is even
more the administration could do along these lines if it used various forms of
bureaucratic enforcement to squeeze businesses employing illegal workers.
For now, though, Homan has established proof of concept
for a less lurid, but more effective version of immigration enforcement. There
is much work yet to do, but Homan was never waving the white flag on
enforcement and now has the numbers to prove it.
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