By Jonathan Chait
Sunday, September 20, 2026
Donald Trump is presiding over a failing presidency and
lashing out at the news media—most recently by banning CNN, Politico,
and MS NOW from the White House. There might seem to be a connection between
these two things, but the causal link is not that Trump is punishing the press because
he is failing; rather, it’s the opposite. His inability to govern is in
part a consequence of his hatred for the news media.
Trump has been bullying and manipulating the news media
since before he entered politics. And though it may be tempting to believe that
his efforts to strangle independent reporting result from his current political
travails, he has been pursuing that project throughout his current term. Trump
attempted to ban the Associated Press from the White House during his first
days in office, when his popularity was at its short-lived apogee. Trump’s most
dangerous moves against the media came in the wake of Charlie Kirk’s
assassination, when some conservatives perceived
that the tragedy handed them a window to discredit their critics. In fair
weather and foul, Trump simply cannot tolerate critical news coverage.
His belief that the mainstream news media is profoundly
biased against him and his party is an article of faith on the political right,
although he has pushed much further in response to that belief than any of his
predecessors ever dared. More than 50 years ago, conservative distrust of the
media was already so deeply entrenched that the Nixon administration could
hinge its defense of the Watergate scandal largely on attacking the credibility
of reporters uncovering its misconduct.
Many mainstream news outlets really are staffed by
reporters and editors whose political views, on average, run to the left of the
American public, and their efforts to prevent these predilections from tilting
their coverage have not always succeeded. Yet conservatives generally fail to
acknowledge that mainstream news organizations are at least trying to
report objectively, and that their own relentless lobbying has sometimes
prodded the media to overcorrect in their favor.
Instead, the right has treated liberal media bias as one
of the fixed truths of its worldview. “There are certain facts of life so long
obvious they would seem beyond dispute,” argued a Wall
Street Journal editorial more than 20 years ago. “One of these—that there
is a liberal tilt in the media that shapes news coverage and dictates, all too
often, what can and can’t be said on the air or in print—continues to provoke
hot denials and even rage.”
Because they consider this bias so pervasive,
conservatives rarely make an effort to test it. Bernard Goldberg’s celebrated
2002 book, Bias, which was toted in public by President George W. Bush
and reviewed respectfully in mainstream news outlets, suffered from “the
epistemological trap of interpreting every news story that jibes with your
ideology as obviously true and every story that doesn’t as evidence of media
bias,” as I wrote
at the time.
That trap has swallowed the Republican Party. Its leaders
have long since decided that negative news coverage of any kind merely reflects
innate hostility, and they accordingly trained themselves to ignore it.
In Trump’s version, the news media’s unfairness is a kind
of syllogism. Any story that reflects poorly upon him is definitionally fake, a
hoax, the product of “Trump Derangement Syndrome.” His supporters have largely
accepted this formulation. The Fox News media critic Howard Kurtz wrote a 2018
book, Media Madness: Donald Trump, the Press, and the War Over the Truth,
that revolves
around the premise that critical stories about Trump inherently reflect media
bias, rather than the reality that Trump tends to lie or commit scandals at a
higher rate than traditional presidents.
Trump has made little effort to disguise his view that
all news coverage can be categorized as either positive or fake. Speaking with
reporters after his ban Friday, he said, “There’s something wrong with a
country that can allow people to write purposely negative stories.”
The First Amendment fortunately prevents Trump from
operationalizing his premise that negative stories about his administration
should not be legal. (The courts will almost certainly reverse his ban on Politico,
CNN, and MS NOW, just as they did his earlier ban on the AP.)
But the Constitution does not prevent the GOP from acting
as if negative coverage is inherently illegitimate. Reinforcing that belief, in
fact, may be part of Trump’s motivation. He has turned his party into a
personality cult that disregards all evidence of failure. This project requires
constant reminders that the hated press cannot be trusted, and that Trump
himself is the source of all truth.
A healthy political party would long ago have rebelled
against Trump’s haphazard protectionism, his ill-thought lurch into a quagmire
with Iran, his untrammeled corruption, and his embarrassing obsession with
building extravagant monuments to himself. While Trump’s war on the media may
be an effort to tamp down criticism of the Republican Party, that criticism has
only intensified. The most profound effect of his attacks has been to seal off
many Republican minds from the fresh air of critique and correction. But the
GOP’s efforts to discredit the media, rather than protecting the party from its
own governing failures, have only made those failures worse.
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