By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, September 23, 2026
When the Center for Strategic Politics asked 683 Democrats how they
would feel if they “woke up tomorrow morning and saw the following headlines,”
each of which revealed that Donald Trump was no longer president, the polling
outfit uncovered a crisis of fatuity and injudiciousness among the president’s
critics.
It seems a significant portion of this poll’s respondents
couldn’t see beyond the instant gratification they would derive from Trump’s
withdrawal from the political scene, even if the means of his removal were
bound to make everything worse.
Sure, the republic would remain intact — perhaps even in
a healthier state — if some sequence of events culminated in the president’s
removal from office via impeachment or the 25th Amendment, presuming the
circumstances warrant such an extraordinary intervention into political
affairs. Democrats are unlikely to be thrilled with JD Vance’s accession to the
Oval Office, but that’s an outcome they clearly hadn’t considered. Likewise,
it’s safe to assume that the American left would not welcome a military coup,
even an anti-Trump one. But no one who participated in this experiment could
see beyond their immediate appetites.
Nor could this poll’s respondents apparently channel
their humanity. If the president “died in his sleep,” such an event would
deprive Democrats of what they should want more than anything: the
president’s repudiation at the ballot box. Similarly, the only outcome in this
poll that did not enjoy the support of a majority of self-described Democrats —
the assassination of Trump on live television — would not benefit the
Democratic Party. Trump would be rendered a martyr. The GOP would beatify him
and commit itself to his legacy. The cause to which his killer was devoted
would be anathematized in all but the most radical of the dimly lit salons
where the left would comfort itself. And yet, just about one-third of Democrats
polled here would rationalize that epochal murder. After all, he had it coming.
Maybe the numbers in this particular poll are off. Back
in May, PolitiFact attempted to fact-check the notion that
rank-and-file Democrats were growing more comfortable with acts of political
violence directed against their opponents, which tells you something about the
resonance of that particular allegation. While PolitiFact argued that
the numbers don’t indicate that a crisis is upon us, “some polls show Democrats
agreeing more” with the violent radicals in their midst.
The left does not have a monopoly on either political
violence or provocations to commit violence in the name of this cause or that.
Agitation in favor of violence is typically the exclusive province of
attention-seeking maniacs, and that pathology has no ideological home. Republicans have their own dangerous elements in their ranks.
And yet, those on the left speak flippantly not just
about violence but about the unalloyed goods that they imagine will accompany
politically charged acts of human sacrifice. The comic Bill Burr provides us
with only the latest example of this outlook:
There’s quite a lot of casual paranoia on display here,
which is its own problem. It used to be socially undesirable to express so
unhealthy a level of mistrust in your neighbors’ motives or suspicion that
they’ve been co-opted by powerful interests presumably arrayed against yours
(such as, in Burr’s telling, America’s own intelligence agencies); in fact, it
would once have betrayed a potentially clinical pathology. Today, that sort of
thing is currency on America’s most-listened-to podcasts, which tend to feature
one ill-informed layman speaking in generally uncharitable terms about a
subject he doesn’t understand to his equally unstudied interlocutor. That stuff
just kills these days.
Of course, the most troubling element of this clip is
Burr’s assumption that the deranged accused killer of United Healthcare CEO
Brian Thompson, Luigi Mangione, whose writings betray a clinical level of
disordered thinking, had a point.
What an admission against interest. If Mangione was
making a point, he didn’t elucidate it in his rambling missives, nor did he
convey it to the sane and sober by assassinating a man merely because he didn’t
like the industry in which Thompson worked. Only through divination could Burr
even deduce that there was a point. So maybe it’s not Mangione’s point at all.
Burr seemed eager to conclude that the victim of this heinous crime brought it
on himself. Maybe he is the one connecting the dots here.
Burr is a latecomer to this party. In the aftermath of
Thompson’s slaying, media outlets competed with one another in the effort to
assign some politically relevant logic to the murder, as I wrote in Blood & Progress. Mangione channeled “pent-up anger
at the nation’s complex health insurance industry,” highlighting “the anger and
frustration” the killer merely acted on. Artists celebrated Mangione at rock
concerts. The mere mention of his name elicited cheers from Saturday Night
Live’s audience. And, of course, the progressive politicians who believe
they profit from the public’s anger at private American enterprises fanned the
flames.
Obviously, “people are furious,” said Bernie Sanders.
Elizabeth Warren agreed. “People can only be pushed so far,” she exclaimed. We
all need to understand that “people interpret, and feel, and experience denied
claims as an act of violence against them,” Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez theorized.
The killing represented an opportunity, in Senator Chris Murphy’s estimation,
“to listen to what people are feeling.”
But “people” didn’t do this. One lunatic did. And if
Mangione inspired other lunatics to do the same — as he almost certainly has, aided in no small part by the
left’s adulation — it would not create a better world for the rest of us.
Murder leaves terrible, unhealing scars on those who survive it, and it creates
incentives for retribution and retaliation that can transcend the generations.
It is the most grievous of sins.
To talk about murderous violence as though it was an
instrument of political hygiene is not just perverse; it’s a rationalization.
It’s designed to assign higher motives to what is, really, just an ill-advised
articulation of a variety of hatreds. There’s nothing high-minded about it. At
best, it’s a thuggish intimidation tactic. At worst, it’s sadism masquerading
as a political philosophy. Either way, it says more about the speaker, and none
of it is good.
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