By Joseph Laconte
Saturday, September 19, 2026
Lake Maggiore, Italy — During a five-hour boat
trip along this picturesque lake hugging the southern slope of the Alps, the
leaders of England, France, and Germany — belligerents in World War I — dreamed of a world at perpetual
peace.
The result was a series of treaties known as the Locarno
Pact, the agreement that paved the way for Germany’s entry into the League of
Nations on September 10, 1926. The mood of soaring optimism — the “spirit of
Locarno” — seemed to herald a new age of international harmony. “Away with the
rifles, machine guns, cannon!” declared French delegate Aristide Briand. “Clear
the way for conciliation, arbitration, peace.”
A century later, the credulous assumptions underlying the
pact and the league are stunningly clear: Paper treaties and grandiose rhetoric
cannot tame the Will to Power. Whether today’s political leaders have learned
the lessons of Locarno is another matter.
To be sure, the European powers had reasons to celebrate.
Seven countries — Belgium, Britain, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Italy, and
Poland — sent delegations to the conference in Locarno, Switzerland, a
beautiful resort city on Lake Maggiore. In the end, Germany accepted all of its
obligations under the Treaty of Versailles. France got a British pledge to
safeguard its security. There were guarantees to maintain Germany’s western
borders and the demilitarized zone of the Rhineland. After years of political
isolation, Germany was admitted to the League of Nations as an equal partner.
“We all met together in great amity,” recalled Winston
Churchill, who hosted meetings with German leadership at his London office,
“and thought what a wonderful future would await Europe if its greatest nations
became truly united and felt themselves secure.” Sir Austen Chamberlain, the
British Foreign Secretary who helped negotiate the Locarno treaties, received
the 1925 Nobel Peace Prize.
Yet, even at this moment of diplomatic triumph, there
were violent political figures casting long shadows across the continent.
In addition to Britain and France, Italy was the other
“Great Power” included in the Locarno Pact. Benito Mussolini, acting as Italy’s
foreign minister as well as head of state, arrived at Locarno playing the role
of the statesman. Yet, scorning the “putrid corpse of democracy,” he had seized
power in 1922, establishing the first fascist regime in Europe. He proceeded to
govern Italy as a dictator and gangster.
Nevertheless, Italy, along with Britain, was made the
guarantor of Locarno’s Rhineland agreement. Mussolini was expected to help
enforce the demilitarization of the Rhineland — the German territory bordering
France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg — as stipulated by the
Versailles Treaty. Never mind that he openly regarded the pacific and
democratic goals of the League of Nations with contempt.
Meanwhile, Mussolini’s great admirer had recently been
released from a German prison, following a botched attempt to overthrow the
Weimar Republic. Adolf Hitler, the charismatic leader of the National Socialist
German Workers’ Party — the Nazi Party — refused to accept political defeat.
On February 27, 1925, Hitler made his first public
appearance since his imprisonment, returning to the beer hall where he had
staged his failed putsch. In an incendiary speech, he identified “the enemy” as
the Weimar Republic, the communists, and the Jews. “To this struggle of ours
there are only two possible issues: either the enemy passes over our bodies or
we pass over theirs!”
Later that year, the first volume of Hitler’s prison
memoir, Mein Kampf, appeared in German bookstores. Subtitled “A
Reckoning,” it offered a glimpse into the racist nightmare that would soon
haunt and terrorize Europe. The 400-page diatribe laid out the alleged ills
afflicting Germany: the ongoing military threat of France, the degenerative
effects of “mongrel” races on the German character, and the need for more
“living space,” i.e., expanding Germany’s borders eastward.
On this latter point, the Locarno Pact prevaricated —
with devastating results. After the First World War, the modern state of Poland
was created, in part, out of Germany’s eastern border: a source of intense
German anger and resentment. The German negotiators at Locarno ruled out any
diplomatic plan to guarantee the frontiers of Poland.
Polish leaders immediately condemned the pact for
creating a geopolitical vulnerability. Under Locarno, Great Britain and Italy
guaranteed Germany’s western borders but offered no military assurances to
defend Poland’s borders with Germany. Thus, Germany was given what looked like
a free hand to alter its eastern borders without inviting a military response.
Józef Piłsudski, Poland’s first Chief of State, denounced Locarno for creating
“a particularly bad and dangerous international system for the future.”
Almost as soon as Hitler and his Nazi Party seized power,
in January 1933, the inherent weaknesses of the international system became
apparent. The architects of Locarno had not reckoned with the possibility of a
totalitarian state hellbent on military domination.
In October, Hitler stormed out of the World Disarmament
Conference and pulled Germany out of the League of Nations. Almost immediately,
he secretly built up the German military, established an air force, and began
building battle cruisers and submarines. On March 17, 1934, amid a sea of
military uniforms, Hitler staged a massive ceremony at the State Opera House.
The shackles of the Versailles Treaty were being publicly shattered.
Nevertheless, on May 21, Hitler delivered a conciliatory
“peace speech” to the Reichstag. “The principal effect of every war is to
destroy the flower of the nation . . . Germany needs peace and desires peace!”
The “renaissance of the West” was at hand, he said, and Germany intended to
make “an imperishable contribution to this great work.” Once Germany’s
“equality” with other nations was firmly established, he said, she would rejoin
the League of Nations. In the meantime, Hitler promised to honor Germany’s nonaggression
pact with Poland and “uphold and fulfill all obligations arising out of the
Locarno Treaty.”
Hitler’s speech was hailed in the West as a masterstroke
for international peace and security. “These were honeyed words of peace,
reason and conciliation,” wrote journalist William Shirer, who was present in
the Opera House, “and in the Western democracies of Europe, where the people
and their governments desperately yearned for the continuance of peace on any
reasonable basis, on almost any basis, they were lapped up.”
Even as Hitler spoke, however, his plans for territorial
expansion were being drawn up. On March 7, 1936, he ordered 19 infantry
battalions into the demilitarized Rhineland.
The Locarno Pact, with its numerous security guarantees,
was finally put to the test. If France mobilized its army, it could drive the
Germans out, discrediting Hitler and the Nazi Party. But France looked to
Britain, which in turn looked to Mussolini’s Italy. Il Duce, of course, ignored
their diplomatic messages — he was busy expanding Italy’s colonial empire with
his invasion of Ethiopia.
In both cases, the League of Nations imposed ineffective
sanctions and took no other action. In October 1936, Mussolini signed the
“Rome-Berlin Axis” pact with Hitler. “Following Ethiopia, the League was
reduced to idealistic irrelevance,” writes historian Ian Kershaw. “As an
instrument intended to uphold and secure the peace of Europe, it was dead.”
The “spirit of Locarno” died along with it. The dark
future envisioned by the Polish leadership at Locarno arrived like a
thunderbolt on September 1, 1939, when Hitler invaded Poland on its western
border, igniting the Second World War. Within 35 days, Poland became the first
of many victims of the Nazi Blitzkrieg.
All of this deserves to be remembered as the democratic
West confronts new forms of totalitarian aggression. In Beijing, Pyongyang,
Tehran, and Moscow, the storyline is the same: The dictators and gangsters are
in control. Lies and propaganda are the currency of the realm. Their political
lifeblood is the lust to dominate. And no peace treaties, paper alliances, or
“memorandums of understanding” — no modern version of the Locarno Pact — will
stop them.
No comments:
Post a Comment