By Michael L. Fragoso
Friday, September 25, 2026
Like Yogi said, “It ain’t over till it’s over,” and
Leader Thune is in it to win it, but things have long looked grim in the Texas
Senate race. “Precriminations” have predictably begun with each faction within
the party pointing fingers at the other. Luckily, there’s plenty of blame to go
around!
Blame first goes to the nominee who chose to run for the
seat despite his myriad deficiencies and then proceeded not to run all that
hard on the seeming assumption, “It’s Texas. I’ll be fine.” But you neither
expect a five-year-old to balance a checkbook nor a fox to be kind to a hen.
People have their native capabilities and characters and you have to take them
as you find them. It’s hard to blame Paxton for making poor choices here; he
could do no other.
Unfortunately in situations like this, the role of the
adult in the room falls to the adult, and the adult here was Senator Cornyn.
For whatever reason, he was adamant about not just keeping Paxton from being
the nominee but beating Paxton himself. Others can debate why he chose to do
this, but in hindsight this was probably the race’s most consequential
decision.
The problem is that foresight probably should have caught
it, too. I don’t know what Cornyn’s private polling showed but, given the
outcome, it can’t have been good. Perhaps he did well with polls “pushed” to
include support from President Trump and derogatory information about Paxton?
Again, it unfortunately falls to the adults to resist motivated reasoning.
I saw a similar situation firsthand in 2017 when I was a
top staffer to then-Senator Jeff Flake. Jeff was up for reelection in 2018, and
it was going to be a slog. Jeff was a sworn mutual enemy of Trump and
co-sponsor of the “Gang of Eight” amnesty, so the Republican base in Arizona
was not especially friendly to us. But we made a go at it, at least for a
while. It was clear that even keeping Trump neutral — perhaps the best possible
situation — would require a level of toad-eating that Jeff simply could not do
in good conscience. Without getting into details, it eventually became very
clear that the path was not just fraught but closed. Perhaps most importantly,
where Jeff’s path ended, “Chemtrails Kelli” Ward’s path began. A conspiratorial
firebrand who would go on to helm the Arizona GOP and steer it into an iceberg,
nominee Ward was the probable result of Jeff sticking it out, wherein she would
either lose the election to Kyrsten Sinema or become a U.S. senator. Pick your
poison. So Jeff ended his campaign, torched Trump in a floor speech, and
supported the nomination going to Martha McSally, who was no great shakes
herself against Sinema but at least was a credible nominee.
It’s hard not to conclude that this was the ideal play if
Cornyn really wanted to stop Paxton. “It’s been a good ride; time for some new
blood.” He could have thrown in with Wesley Hunt or put his formidable
machine-and-money muscle behind someone else who would lack the je-ne-sais-quoi
that the base irrationally and unfairly held against Cornyn. In choosing to
beat Paxton rather than stop Paxton, Cornyn helped set the current stage.
This is especially the case when you consider that the
primary would be (and would need to be) savagely negative. In order to beat
Paxton in the primary, his opponent would be remiss not to use the voluminous
oppo file readily on hand. The inevitable result would be a limping, wounded
Paxton in the general were he to win. This means that, in order to prevent Talarico
from winning, it would be critically important for a Paxton opponent to win the
primary himself. Instead what happened resembles a kamikaze mission, which is
not ideal for the establishment wing of the party in the coming recriminations.
Of course blame falls, too, to the president. No matter
what the final-results posters on Twitter say, the president’s choices made
Paxton inevitable. Yes, Paxton won running away, but that was not actually a
foregone conclusion; it was merely likely. Going into the primary, secondhand
word from Paxton world was that he expected to win outright. In the end Cornyn,
in fact, won the primary! But he lost the runoff. Momentum, for once, was on
Cornyn’s side and there was every reason to believe that, were Trump then to
endorse him, then Cornyn could draw the inside straight he needed to beat
Paxton. Again, it’s not certain it would have played out that way but I think
it’s likelier than not. Instead the president endorsed nobody, using a possible
Cornyn endorsement as a futile inducement for the Senate to eliminate the
filibuster and pass the SAVE Act. Once it became clear that, absent Trump
supporting Cornyn, Paxton would glide to victory, the president did his thing
and endorsed the likely victor. Trump should have endorsed Cornyn when he
initially was poised to do it.
The blame here is almost synthetic, though. Trump is
responsible for not endorsing Cornyn but Cornyn is responsible for seeking the
endorsement. Perhaps only in hindsight (but also not really) Trump was never
going to endorse Cornyn. He didn’t care that Cornyn was a reliable vote any
more than he cared that, by knifing Cornyn, he’d be buying a senatorial enemy
for the rest of this Congress. Ken Paxton is a hero of the 2020 “stop the
steal” effort who exudes unthinking commitment to the MAGA agenda, while Cornyn
is the ultimate elder statesman. Trump’s choice was always obvious. Just like
you have to assume Paxton is going to run and run badly, you have to assume
Trump is going to put personal politics over electoral necessity. It may be
unfair, but in politics it falls on the individuals who behave responsibly to,
well, behave responsibly and to avoid bad bets.
Last but not least is the governor. He’s running for his fourth
term. Texas is a big state, chock-full of ambitious Republicans — both
“Heritage Texans” and carpetbaggers alike. When one individual seeks to
dominate the top magistracy for nearly two decades, it generates anxiety among
the ambitious who wonder where they can go to move up. That’s almost certainly
why Paxton is himself finishing up his third term as attorney general. Had
Abbott hung up his spurs after two terms, along the lines of his successful,
term-limited peers like Doug Ducey, Brian Kemp, and Ron DeSantis, Paxton’s
current gunfight would almost certainly be for reelection as governor.
There’s a reason the Romans resisted the reelection of
consuls for centuries. Ambition needs to be channeled upward. Because Paxton
hit a ceiling, he moved to federal office and went after Cornyn. Without that
ceiling, it’s not clear we’d be in this mess, and that ceiling was put in place
by the governor.
We still have over a month to see how it plays out, and
“Vote for the crook: It’s important” has been a winning message before. (It is,
in fact, very important.) When it comes to the Texas Senate race, though,
failure will be a James Talarico sermon: It will have many fathers.
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