By John Gustavsson
Wednesday, September 23, 2026
Last week, the European Commission’s president, Ursula
von der Leyen, surprised the world by announcing an offer to make Canada the
first “associate member” of the European Union. What makes an “associate
member” is not legally defined in any of the EU’s treaties, but there is no
doubt that Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney appears determined to embrace
the EU as he seeks to reduce his country’s dependence on the North American
market. After Donald Trump’s threats to turn Canada into the 51st state, Carney’s
approach may seem reasonable — and, judging from the PM’s approval ratings, Canadians are, so far, on board.
Yet running to Brussels would be as big a mistake for
Canada as it was for Britain.
Whatever Canada’s new relationship with the EU ends up
looking like, it will be a much cozier relationship than before. Whereas
Carney’s predecessor, Justin Trudeau, never missed an opportunity to emphasize
Canada as an indigenous land and apologize for the sins of the settlers, Carney seems to
have rediscovered his country’s European heritage, going as far as to label it “the most European of non-European countries.”
On Canada Day, CBC/Radio-Canada announced that the country would compete in the 2027
Eurovision Song Contest, by far the biggest music competition in the world,
with around 160 million viewers. Joining the ESC is not cheap; indeed, several
countries decline to participate every year citing the cost. Fortunately,
Carney had increased the public broadcaster’s budget for this very
purpose.
In May, Carney became the first non-European leader ever
to attend the semiannual European Political Community summit,
an intergovernmental summit attended by leaders of 48 European countries. Last
year, he signed a Strategic Partnership of the Future with the EU, covering
areas including trade and climate transition, as well as a security and defense partnership. An “associate membership”
in the EU — whatever that term ends up meaning — could be seen as a logical
next step, fitting with Carney’s ambition to double Canada’s non-U.S. exports over the next ten years.
Carney increasingly looks like an insecure high schooler
trying to hang with the cool kids. But, much like in high school, the cool kids
are not really all that cool.
First, Europe struggles with economic growth. Since the
global financial crisis, the wealth gap between America and the EU — and especially the
western EU — has widened, as Europe has struggled with weak and inconsistent
growth. Economic shocks like those brought on by the war in Ukraine and the
closure of the Strait of Hormuz have contributed, but taxation, an
ill-conceived common currency, and regulatory policy in areas such as energy,
climate, and tech, bear the brunt of the blame. It would make more sense for
Canada to diversify by adding more members and deepening ties with the
faster-growing Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific
Partnership (CPTPP), a trade pact that has nearly eliminated tariffs among
signatory countries following the United States’ withdrawal from the preceding
Trans-Pacific Partnership in 2017.
Supporters of Carney’s European adventures may counter
that there is no need to choose — that Canada can diversify elsewhere while
still deepening ties with Europe. But it is not that simple. Brussels rarely
gives deep market access without pulling partners toward its rule book. If
“associate membership” turns into dynamic alignment, Canada, while still
formally able to sign other foreign trade agreements, would find those deals
harder to use: Goods and data would still have to clear European process rules,
including rules written after the ink is dry.
Nowhere is this more dangerous than on climate policy.
Whereas Carney has begun the process of rolling
back his predecessor’s unrealistic goals, the EU is still charging full
steam ahead, even implementing climate tariffs (the “carbon-border adjustment mechanism”) on its trade partners.
That the EU climate regime is not exactly suitable for an oil-, gas-, and
minerals-producing country should go without saying.
It may seem counterintuitive that Europe would ever try
to force its environmentalism on Canada, seeing as how Canada’s minerals and
natural gas — two sectors that EU rules could devastate, if applied to Canada —
are part of what makes the country attractive to the EU. But in Brussels, the
link between overregulation and underinvestment is not properly understood.
Sure, policymakers want rare earths and natural gas — but since that’s never
stopped them from overregulating those industries almost to extinction in
Europe, Canada should not assume it will get a free pass. The mere threat of
future regulatory alignment with the EU could deter investment into Canada’s
extractive industries.
For Canada’s tech sector, the EU poses an even bigger
threat. The EU prides itself on a “regulate first, ask questions later”
approach that has strangled innovation in the union. If Canada is pushed to
adapt EU tech regulations, the effect would be even worse than in Europe, since
geographical proximity means Canada’s tech sector competes with the U.S. and
Silicon Valley more directly than Europe’s does.
The same is true for the auto and chemicals industries as well as many other sectors, and
geographical proximity makes it easier not just for businesses but also for
skilled Canadians in affected sectors to move to the United States, something
more and more of them are already
doing.
Carney may feel emboldened by polls showing that large
majorities of Canadians favor closer ties with the EU, with one poll even
showing 57 percent would support full membership. But the idea
of greater integration with the EU and the reality of such a path are
starkly different. Brits once overwhelmingly voted in favor of EU membership,
but decades of clashes between Britain’s Anglo-Saxon worldview and Brussels’s
continental ways eventually led to a bitter divorce. And more than a European nation,
Canada — with apologies to Quebec — is first and foremost a British
nation, and that is something Carney ought to consider before he traps his
country in a union that neither he nor his voters fully understand.
Of course, Trump was wrong to ever suggest that Canada
should become America’s 51st state. It would be nothing short of tragic if
Canada, in its rush to safeguard its sovereignty, merely ended up giving it
away to another foreign bidder.
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