National
Review Online
Tuesday,
July 11, 2023
It’s not
often that Washington’s accommodation of Beijing’s wishes takes the form of
something approximating an actual kowtow.
But
that’s what seemed to take place this weekend in the Chinese capital as Janet
Yellen met Chinese vice premier He Lifeng. In a video from the start of their
meeting, Yellen bows three times as she shakes the hand of He, who stands
straight up.
The
Treasury secretary spent two days there, meeting senior Chinese officials for
talks on the bilateral economic relationship. But her overarching goal in
making the trip was to continue the administration’s apology campaign.
High-ranking U.S. officials have made a series of visits to Beijing to
jumpstart diplomatic exchange after China’s government withheld it in
retaliation for America’s handling of the deliberate Chinese provocation of the
spy balloon.
The
White House has also made significant policy concessions, including delays of
human-rights sanctions and export controls. This new stance secured a meeting
between Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Chinese general secretary Xi
Jinping last month. And later this month, John Kerry, the special climate
envoy, will make his own trip to Beijing.
While
Yellen said at the end of her trip that she had discussed China’s crackdown on
America’s firms, Chinese firms’ shipping of matériel to the Russian military,
and human-rights abuses, her tone was mostly conciliatory.
Notably,
Yellen said that the two sides agreed to set up a channel where Chinese
officials can raise U.S. actions that they view as concerning so that “we can
explain and, possibly in some situations, respond to unintended consequences of
our actions if they’re not carefully targeted.”
Under
both the Trump and Biden administrations, the U.S. government has implemented
sanctions, export controls, and other tools of economic statecraft to target
malign Chinese behavior. Washington has applied export restrictions and
investment bans to Chinese military-linked firms like Huawei, sanctioned those
tasked with carrying out egregious abuses, and severely limited China’s access to
advanced computer chips. The logic behind this is simple: American technology
and capital should not facilitate China’s efforts to develop technologies with
which it might one day kill Americans.
Naturally,
Beijing objects to this essential project. And although the White House is
unlikely to dismantle it, it can blunt, or slow-walk, any further progress if
doing so is viewed as helpful in securing meetings with Chinese officials. In
that sense, Yellen’s promise to stand up what is effectively an appeals process
indicates the disturbing direction in which Biden’s policy is headed. The
administration should soon offer an executive order to keep U.S. investment
from going to Chinese military companies; Yellen’s trip is a good indication
that the eventual result might be underwhelming.
Worryingly,
Chinese officials seem to think that the Biden administration will continue to
soften its stance. At the start of their meeting last week, Premier Li Qiang
told Yellen that he can see “rainbows” after the winds and rains that have
clouded the U.S.-China relationship. He, at least, is seeing clearly.
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