By Jonah
Goldberg
Wednesday,
July 19, 2023
Perhaps
T.S. Elliot was wrong. July, not April, is the cruelest month, at least for GOP
presidential contenders trying to supplant Donald Trump.
Before
July, the campaigns have excuses for why the momentum hasn’t kicked in yet.
They can say they’re just in exploratory-committee mode, or they’re just
getting the campaign stood up. Hey, we haven’t had a chance to meet the voters
yet at an Iowa Pizza Ranch or chat with the gang at Manchester Red Arrow Diner.
The ides
of July is when the excuses evaporate in the summer heat as campaigns have to
reveal their second quarter fundraising numbers. For Trump’s challengers, those
numbers vary in ugliness, but none are pretty. Mike Pence, a former vice
president with enormous name ID, raised a paltry $1.2 million and may not reach the 40,000
small donors required to make the first GOP debate. Chris Christie, who has the
highest negatives of any of the declared candidates, raised $1.6 million and has enough small donors to
make the debate.
The most
significant disclosures came from Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. He raised a lot of
money—$20 million—but he maxed out 70
percent of his donors, meaning he can’t go back to them again. And he’s burning through
an enormous amount of cash.
But it’s
the polling numbers that should depress everybody but Trump, who leads the
field by over 30 points. DeSantis, whose team insisted in the spring that
everyone should wait until he actually gets in the race, has actually lost a few points since he got in the race in May. The rest of the field is jockeying
to stay out of single digits.
The one
thing all of challengers to Trump agree on is that none of this bad news really
matters yet—-and they have a point. National polls at this stage are stupid. A
surprise victory in Iowa or New Hampshire by any of them would completely
recalibrate the race.
This is
part of the cruelty. Every campaign—except the one in the lead—thinks it’s way
too early to rule out anybody. It’s a “marathon not a sprint,” as DeSantis says. But the
only measures of progress are how much money they’ve raised—and from whom—and
those infernal polls.
The
political press follows both as if they’re tangible points on the
scoreboard—and so does the donor class, which now includes tens of thousands of
small donors. It’s a vicious feedback loop: Failure to raise money or show
momentum in the polls leads to negative press coverage, which in turn
negatively affects your standing in the polls and how much money you can
raise.
Indeed,
you have to go back to 2000 to find an open GOP primary where the clear
frontrunner in midsummer went on to win the nomination. At the beginning of
July, 2015 Jeb Bush and Donald Trump were neck-and-neck (though by the end of the
month, Trump’s surge had begun). In 2007, Rudy Giuliani led Sen. John McCain 2-1. Heck, most recent winners
of the Iowa caucus didn’t go on to win the nomination.
The
problem is that this is an open-primary in name only. Donald Trump is
effectively running as an incumbent. Of course, he isn’t one. He lost in 2020.
But GOP primary voters are acting like they don’t know—or don’t accept—that.
Perhaps it’s because Trump refuses to admit defeat. Perhaps DeSantis is right that the criminal indictments of Trump
have caused voters to rally around him in an act of defiance or
sympathy. (If DeSantis is right, Trump might be looking at another boost:
Trump says he received a letter from special counsel
Jack Smith that he is a target of the January 6 grand jury investigation.) And
maybe having so many Republican challengers praising or ignoring Trump has
signaled to voters that Trump is the de facto incumbent until further notice.
Whatever
the reason, pretending that this primary is normal when voters have an abnormal
attachment to the frontrunner is a recipe for the frontrunner to glide to the
nomination. With the exception of Christie, the other candidates are running as
if Trump is not a candidate they are working to defeat, but just an idea. If
you think of Trump as if he were, say, the personification of a political
concept, like the Second Amendment, the way these GOP candidates talk about him
makes a bit more sense. But the Second Amendment isn’t running for president. Trump
is.
If he
weren’t running, it would make complete sense for GOP candidates to avoid
offending Trump voters—Republicans in 1976 certainly didn’t routinely denounce
Richard Nixon on the hustings. But unless they decide to run directly
against the guy beating them now, the next six months are going to look a lot
like July.
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