By Rich
Lowry
Thursday,
July 20, 2023
There’s being
fortunate in your enemies, and then there’s having enemies who are helping you
take the first step in your political comeback.
Donald
Trump and his adversaries want profoundly different things in the long run —
Trump wants to be back in the White House; Democrats want him in jail.
Yet, in
the medium term, they both are seeking the same thing — Trump as the Republican
nominee.
The
serial indictments of Trump, even if it’s not their primary purpose, advance
this mutual interest. Unless the current dynamic changes, Trump will get
indicted again, and will again dominate media attention, and again rally
Republicans to his cause based on charges of selective prosecution.
The
routine is so predictable, it’s become boring.
It was
just a taste of what a third indictment will bring that the highly touted Ron
DeSantis interview with Jake Tapper on CNN didn’t even lead the show because
Trump had shared the news that he’d gotten a target letter.
The
pushback against the notion that Trump’s prosecutorial pursuers know that they
are helping Trump is that it’s too clever by half, that Trump has these legal
vulnerabilities and is simply paying the price. No theories about
underhanded political motivation are necessary.
It’s
certainly true that Trump had major exposure in the documents case, but the
Alvin Bragg indictment is gossamer-thin and we don’t know yet what Special
Counsel Jack Smith has next or what Fani Willis is working with in Fulton
County, Ga.
Consider
this thought experiment: If the Justice Department and the other prosecutors
knew that the indictments guaranteed a Ron DeSantis or Tim Scott nomination,
would they still go through with them? If they thought they made Trump a
stronger general-election candidate and the favorite to beat Joe Biden, would they
still pull the trigger? Or would they find some reason for forbearance, when
there’s plenty to be said for forbearance in the first place?
It
doesn’t require a fine-grained understanding of Republican politics to
understand what’s going on. Certainly, after the GOP reaction to the Mar-a-Lago
search, it was obvious that targeting Trump would benefit him. And if there
were any doubt, the Trump polling surge after the Bragg indictment should have
removed it.
Still,
Trump’s pursuers have persisted, with two more indictments almost certainly on
the way.
For
Trump, the worse, the better — the more he’s indicted and the weaker the cases,
the more he’s helped in the nomination fight.
For
Trump’s adversaries, quantity trumps quality; everyone gets a piece of him, and
it increases the odds that at least a trial or two will happen before the
November 2024 election.
If the
indictments help Trump in the primaries, they hurt him in the general, and
trials and guilty verdicts would presumably hurt even more.
Again,
if Trump’s prosecutors believed that rushing to trial would somehow boost Trump
against Biden, it’s hard to see them being so desperate to get him in
courtrooms as soon as possible.
Even if
it’s helping him politically for now, Trump doesn’t like getting indicted. His
denunciations of “these vicious Communists, Marxists, Fascists, and Radical
Left Democrats,” “THESE LUNATICS AND THUGS” who are after him are wholly
sincere. But without the vicious Communists et al., he might well be ten points
lower in the polls, and anything that makes the primary race look more
competitive is quite bad for him.
The
legal handiwork of the LUNATICS AND THUGS is one of the former president’s most
valuable political assets.
Trump
and his enemies may despise one other, but they are working toward the same
immediate political goal, i.e., a high-stakes, hate-filled, Third World–ish
Trump–Biden rematch with the possibility of jail for one of the contenders if
he loses and intense prosecutorial scrutiny for the other if he loses.
And
everything so far indicates that they’re going to get it.
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