By Jim
Geraghty
Monday,
July 10, 2023
Gary
Kasparov, the chess master and chairman of the Renew Democracy Initiative and a
co-founder of the Russia Action Committee, offers a scathing op-ed in today’s Wall
Street Journal, declaring, “Ukrainians Die
as America Dawdles.”
The
Biden administration may well contend the fact that some Americans think
they’re sending too much aid to Ukraine too quickly, and that some other some
Americans think they’re sending too little aid to Ukraine too slowly, means
that President Biden must have reached some Goldilocks-style happy medium.
But it’s
more likely that the erratic
decision-making and
sluggish, start-and-stop process of sending arms has instead generated the
worst of both worlds – the U.S. is running low on some key weapons systems,
particularly long-range missiles, while Ukraine is always forced to improvise
and make due with fewer weapons than they need.
According
to estimates by the Center for Strategic and International Studies, at the
“surge” or prioritized production rate, it will take two and a half years to
restock the U.S. supplies of High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) mobile-artillery system and vehicles, four years to
restock at least one category of 155 millimeter
shells, five and a
half years to restock the
Javelin anti-tank-missile stockpile, and six and a half years to restock the Stinger
air-defense-missile stockpile.
Meanwhile,
Ukraine always seems to have just enough weapons and ammunition to stand its
ground, but never enough to turn the tide. Kasparov is 100 percent correct that
Biden’s “we will stand with Ukraine as long as it takes” is empty blather without
some specifics behind the happy talk, detailing what it means to “stand with
Ukraine.”
But
Kasparov also makes some assertions that many Americans will doubt.
Mr. Putin is terrified of escalation. Yet it’s the U.S. and NATO that
act as if the collapse of his illegitimate regime—or what’s left of Russia
itself—would somehow be worse than a nuclear arsenal in the hands of a KGB thug
waging genocidal war in Europe. Anyone else would be better.
I will
readily concede that “better than Vladimir Putin” is a really, really low bar
to clear. But are we absolutely certain that any Russian
leader would be an improvement upon Putin? Just how different would the
policies and decisions be under a Putin loyalist like secretary of the security
council Nikolai Patrushev, security service chief Alexander Bortnikov foreign
intelligence head Sergei Naryshkin? There are far-right nationalists who argue the
Russian effort in Ukraine hasn’t been brutal or aggressive enough. A couple of years ago, Radio Free
Europe noted that the crackpot, bellicose, and often offensive statements of
Russian firebrand politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky were now much more
mainstream in Russian culture. Yevgeniy Prigozhin seems like every bit a brute and a
maniac as Putin.
In light
of all this, aren’t the odds high that Putin’s successor will be roughly as
much of a problem as he is? This isn’t an argument for the U.S. taking actions
to keep Putin in place, just a wary clear-eyed perspective that the devil you
don’t know may well be even more dangerous than the devil you do know. Sure, we
would love to see “regime change” or wholesale changes in the way Russia is
governed, to see the rise of a less antagonistic, less reckless, less abusive
regime in Moscow. But that doesn’t mean our elected leaders have to run around
proclaiming that we want to see changes at the top of Russia’s government.
There’s a reason that when Biden ad-libbed, “for God’s sake, this man cannot
remain in power” that his staff rushed to insist Biden didn’t mean what he just
said.
Second,
while I recently wrote that based upon the past thirty years, we probably –
emphasis on probably — don’t have to
worry about Russian nuclear weapons getting stolen or sold… that assumes a unified Russian
state and military controlling those weapons. The collapse of Putin’s regime
would introduce a whole lot of variables into that equation.
NBC News
reported, “an
unofficial American peace delegation met in April with Russian foreign minister
Sergei Lavrov in New York to discuss potential terms for a ceasefire in
Ukraine.” As Noah
Rothman observed,
this action makes a hash of Biden’s previous promises that “we are not going to
engage in any negotiation” and “there’s nothing about Ukraine without
Ukraine.” As with many other issues, Biden makes a lot of grandiose and bold
promises that he forgets about or ignores the moment they become inconvenient.
When it comes to Biden’s decision-making on Ukraine aid, Kasparov has a lot of
fair complaints. But to paraphrase Donald Rumsfeld, you go to war
with the president you have, not the president you might want.
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