By Noah Rothman
Wednesday, July 26, 2023
On Tuesday, Democratic presidential aspirant Robert F.
Kennedy Jr. joined Fox News host Sean Hannity for an interview before a live audience. During one exchange, the
candidate expanded on how his understanding of recent history informs his
hostility toward America’s support for Ukraine’s defense against Russian
invaders. Kennedy’s monologue inspired wild applause from his audience, and it
has been celebrated by right-leaning
media figures for its searing candor. It seems of no consequence to
Kennedy’s admirers that almost everything he said wasn’t just wrong but wrong
in hilariously lazy ways.
Kennedy’s ill-considered soliloquy was prompted by
questions he refused to answer — why won’t Western Europe commit more resources
to its own defense, and why has Joe Biden’s support for Ukrainian sovereignty
been halting and contradictory? Kennedy rejected Hannity’s premise and
substituted his own, which is that Europe and Biden aren’t on the defensive
side of this conflict at all. They are, in fact, the aggressors:
On two occasions, the Russians
tried to sign a peace agreement with Zelensky. Because of our pushing Ukraine
into the war on two occasions . . . in 2019, France, Germany and Russia all
agreed to the Minsk accords. That year, Zelensky ran for president. He was a
comedian; he had no political experience. Why did he win? Because he ran on one
issue: signing the Minsk accords. As soon as he got in there, Victoria Nuland
in the White House told him he couldn’t do it. Putin sends 40,000 troops in.
That’s not enough to conquer the country. Clearly, he wanted us to come to — he
wanted somebody to come to the negotiating table. Zelensky came to the
negotiating table. Signed a new agreement that was Minsk accords II in 2022,
and that would have allowed Donbas to stay — and Luhansk — to stay and remain
as part of Ukraine. Putin signed it, Zelensky initialed it, and Putin in good
faith began withdrawing troops from the Ukraine. What happened? We sent Boris
Johnson over there to torpedo it. Because we don’t want peace with — we want
the war with Russia.
The audience erupted in an ovation, but Kennedy’s tidy
narrative was almost entirely fictional.
The first occasion in which the West supposedly pushed
“Ukraine into the war” in Kennedy’s fevered imagination was the first Minsk
agreement. The Minsk protocol was established in September 2014, not 2019. That
agreement was little more than a cease-fire establishing the “line of contact”
in the Donbas, where Russian-aligned forces operating under Moscow’s control
had been engaged in an insurgency against Kyiv following the invasion of the
Crimean Peninsula by Russian regular forces earlier that year.
That agreement wasn’t worth the paper on which it was
written. Russia’s irregulars in the Donbas routinely violated the cease-fire and, in November 2014,
Russian-sponsored separatists held elections in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts
(which together constitute the Donbas region) — a Moscow-backed action the
United States and its European allies called a violation
of the terms of the Minsk protocol. The Minsk protocol was functionally
defunct before the end of the year.
On February 12, 2015, a successor — deemed “Minsk II” —
replaced the inoperative accords and imposed even more obligations on Ukraine.
It required that Kyiv create a “special status” for Russia’s puppet states in
the country’s east. Under pressure from its Western sponsors, Ukraine conceded
to these terms, though Kyiv declined to grant the same “special status” to
territories in Donbas still under its control. But hours after that agreement
was signed, Russian-backed forces mounted an assault on the town of Debaltseve
and captured it, shifting the agreed-to “line of contact.” At no point after
this were the terms of Minsk II observed by either party, though the West clung
for years to the notion that the “Minsk process” was more valuable than the
outcomes it produced. There was no
cease-fire — the “line of contact” was always hot. Foreign forces were
not withdrawn from Donbas, as the U.S. mission to the OSCE routinely documented.
All this happened long before 2019, which is a year of
some significance to Kennedy for unknowable reasons. Zelensky campaigned for
the presidency that year on a broad platform, one aspect of which was
revisiting the Minsk agreements by scrapping the multilateral format and negotiating
directly with Moscow. He did strike a conciliatory tone toward Moscow —
Zelensky was critical of the Poroshenko government’s efforts to deny Russian
cultural envoys entry into Ukraine, for example. And by the end of 2019,
Zelensky met directly with Putin, securing a narrow agreement on principle to implement
a cease-fire as certain preconditions (such as the withdrawal of Russian forces
from Donbas) were met. But those preconditions were not met.
It’s entirely unclear what State Department veteran
Victoria Nuland has to do with any of this. She did not hold public office in
2019 because, at the time, Donald Trump was president. Who knows where Kennedy
got the figure “40,000 troops” from? Maybe he’s thinking about an aborted
Russian buildup on Ukraine’s borders in April 2021, but Western estimates
suggested Russia had amassed about 100,000 soldiers, which to the West at the time looked like
a prelude to invasion. Indeed, in retrospect, the estimated 150,000–200,000 Russian troops that did invade Ukraine
(again) in February 2022 turned out to be insufficient to seize and occupy most
of the country, but the three-axis, combined-arms invasion was no peace overture.
Kennedy’s claim that Putin began “withdrawing troops from Ukraine” and did so
“in good faith” is utterly ponderous. No such thing occurred, especially not in
2022 — a year in which Putin only committed ever more Russian forces to his
folly.
Lastly, this notion that the West assigned former British
prime minister Boris Johnson to “torpedo” some imagined peace agreement seems
to derive from a misreading of a May 2022 item in Ukrainska
Pravda that has become an article of faith in left-wing blogs. The piece alleged in the vaguest of
language that “the structure of a future possible agreement in general terms”
was hammered out in spring 2022 in a back channel between Russian billionaire
Roman Abramovich and Kremlin negotiator Vladimir Medinsky. At this point,
Johnson parachuted into Kyiv, where, according to an unnamed Zelensky
associate, he expressed skepticism that Putin would do anything other than
“screw everyone over” by failing to abide by whatever terms are struck behind
closed doors — as the Russian president’s past practice suggests.
The obstacle to an agreement wasn’t Johnson, however, as
the same source close to Zelensky added: “Moscow would like to have a single
agreement in which all the issues are resolved.” This was unacceptable to the
Zelensky government, which sought distinct terms with Russia on its security
guarantees, including Ukraine’s European sponsors, and, separately, an
agreement with Russia establishing the terms of mutual coexistence. That is
where things broke down, and this wasn’t due to Johnson’s belligerent force of
will.
Kennedy continues in his interview with Hannity to spout
popular revisionist histories that set the West up as his fable’s antagonist,
somehow recklessly bullying Russia into a disastrous war of territorial
expansion. His narrative rests on the notion that Secretary of State James
Baker guaranteed Mikhail Gorbachev that Washington would not support NATO’s
expansion into the former Warsaw Pact states. If anyone would be able to
confirm or deny the existence of such guarantees, it would be Gorbachev. “The
topic of NATO expansion was not discussed at all,” Gorbachev himself confirmed. All that was discussed “in
that context” were terms around the permanent deployment of NATO forces and
military structures into the former East Germany. “Everything that could have
been and needed to be done to solidify that political obligation was done,” the
last Soviet general secretary added. “And fulfilled.”
Kennedy seems wholly convinced of the fictions he is
retailing, but they are fictions, nonetheless. If we were being charitable, we
could grant the dispensation that Kennedy isn’t just making stuff up on the
fly, but that’s hardly exculpatory. Either he is wildly misinformed and cares
so little about the subject matter that he hasn’t bothered to verify his
misapprehensions, or he lives in a fantasy world. Neither is comforting, and it
is the responsibility of media professionals to correct the record Kennedy is
so recklessly distorting. If not for the sake of their credibility, then at
least for posterity.
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