By Scott
Howard
Wednesday,
July 12, 2023
A specter is
haunting the Republican Party — that of General John Pershing. The acclaimed
commander of American forces during World War I, “Black Jack” led a storied
career. He cut his teeth in military expeditions across the American West
during the Ghost Dance campaign in the early 1890s. He served admirably at San
Juan Hill (alongside Theodore Roosevelt) in 1898 and in the Philippine–American
War (1899–1902). The most controversial chapter of his career came in 1916
when, under orders from Woodrow Wilson, Pershing led an expedition of 10,000
men into Mexico to capture the revolutionary Pancho Villa, in retaliation for
Villa’s raid on Columbus, N.M. Though the mission failed in that regard,
Pershing’s expedition is generally considered a success in deterring the bandit
from making future incursions into the United States.
The
ghost of his exploits in Mexico lingers 107 years later. In the past six
months, a consensus has been forming among Republican officials that the drug
cartels south of our border must be dealt with. Senator Lindsey Graham (S.C.)
and Representative Dan Crenshaw (Texas) have both introduced legislation to
authorize selective uses of the military against the cartels inside Mexico’s
borders. In recent months, similar proposals have picked up steam among GOP
presidential hopefuls. Candidates Nikki Haley and Tim Scott have both endorsed such
proposals. Ron DeSantis has hinted at something similar, expressing support for
the use of lethal force against the cartels after they cross the U.S. border
and deploying the Coast Guard to restrict maritime drug-trafficking. What was
once a wild-eyed proposal from Donald Trump has become quasi-official
Republican policy.
There
are reasons for this hawkishness. A record 100,000 people died from drug overdoses in 2022,
of which an estimated two-thirds can be attributed to fentanyl. This comes as
U.S.–Mexico cooperation over cartel policy continues to disintegrate. Mexican
president Andrés Manuel López Obrador blamed “social decay” for the U.S.
fentanyl crisis, condemned the idea of U.S. military forces being deployed
inside his country, and outright denied that fentanyl is produced in Mexico —
only to turn around and ask China for help stopping production
and transportation of the drug inside Mexico.
So it is
not entirely shocking that the GOP has decided the status quo is far too
conciliatory.
The
candidates call upon a long American tradition of muscular foreign policy in
the Western Hemisphere, implicitly invoking the legacy of Theodore Roosevelt.
In 1904, in response to the Venezuelan Crisis of 1902–03, President
Roosevelt issued his corollary to the Monroe
Doctrine during an annual message to Congress. He asserted that the United
States would use its burgeoning military might to maintain stability in the
region to protect American interests and prevent foreign powers from
intervening. His rationale was simple and stark:
If a nation shows that it knows how to act with reasonable efficiency
and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its
obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States. Chronic
wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of
civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require
intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the
adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United
States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence,
to the exercise of an international police power.
Given
the state of affairs across our southern border, it would be hard to avoid the
conclusion that the conditions Roosevelt outlined have come to pass. López
Obrador has spent his presidency eroding the democratic institutions
meant to keep him in check. His country’s inability and unwillingness to
control its border continues to reap disastrous consequences here in the U.S.
Most damning of all is that, according to some estimates, the cartels effectively
control 20
percent of Mexico. A nation ceding sovereignty over its territory to criminal
organizations is no longer civilized under any standard definition of the term.
When that nation’s unraveling threatens American lives and security, it should
not be controversial for the U.S. government to act decisively.
The U.S.
has further reasons to exercise its police power to protect its own backyard.
The Mexican president’s overture to China asking for help with the fentanyl
crisis is deeply troubling. Our chief adversaries do not give their help for
free, and it’s a frightening scenario in which Mexico stabilizes in exchange
for increased ties with China. Already the United States must deal with
Chinese–Cuban collaboration, and Cuba is not the only Latin
American nation that China has sought to woo in recent years. As America
prepares for the coming cold war with our Asian rival, our government should
not be tepid in asserting American primacy in our region. Our neighbors must
demonstrate stability and alignment with the U.S. position.
American
foreign policy, both in our backyard and overseas, should be prudent and moral.
That is not the same as being feckless. Teddy Roosevelt understood that the
American colossus should speak softly and carry a big stick — and be willing to
use it to defend U.S. prerogatives. When it comes to the cartels, the use of
military force to deal with the threat they pose to the United States should
not be taken off the table. Rather than exorcise the ghosts of Roosevelt and
Pershing, Republican presidential candidates would be wise to invite them in.
The wisdom they possess offers the U.S. a path forward.
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