By Rich Lowry
Tuesday, August 12, 2025
At its best, Washington, D.C., is a city of timeless
grandeur, of iconic monuments and world-historical centers of power.
At its worst, it’s a harrowing place where a remorseless
14-year-old could steal your car.
The confluence of these two Washingtons in the terrible
early-morning beating of the DOGE employee Edward Coristine, known by his sobriquet, “Big Balls,” has
prompted President Trump to federalize the D.C. police and deploy
the National Guard. The software engineer played a significant role in the
frenetic push to reform the federal government that dominated the national
debate at the beginning of Trump’s second term and, by virtue of being in the
wrong place at the wrong time (and protecting a young woman), was brutally
attacked by teenagers within two miles of the White House.
The metropolitan government of Washington has never been
worthy of the seat of government of the greatest and most powerful nation that
has ever existed. It’s consistently been an embarrassment and, for decades now,
has tolerated — and, worse, created the conditions for — disorderly and
dangerous streets.
The late historian Fred Siegel wrote how “social license
and economic restrictions,” what he calls “the two halves of sixties
liberalism,” drained cities like Washington of their vitality. Over-regulated
and inefficient, they were saddled by a “state-supported economy of social
workers.”
On top of this, in the 1970s, Washington, D.C.,
experienced “black nationalism in power,” as Siegel put it, particularly in the
person of the catastrophic, longtime mayor Marion Barry.
The federal government had to put a financial control
board in charge in the 1990s to pull the District back from the brink of
bankruptcy.
Indeed, in the scheme of things, Trump’s intervention is
more the norm than the exception in D.C.’s history. In the 19th century,
Congress governed the district via committees before giving home rule a try in
1871 and quickly pulling back after the district was — yes — financially
mismanaged. D.C. has enjoyed home rule since 1973, although with the financial
board exercising significant power from 1995 to 2001.
The District is better off than in the bad old days of
the 1990s, but it remains beset by a soft-minded progressivism on matters of
law and order that is an ongoing threat to public safety.
As usual, Trump is opting for the sledgehammer over the
scalpel. Still, his indictment of D.C. for allowing lawless young people to
blight the city is accurate.
The critics object that violent crime is actually falling
in Washington. Yes, it is, although from an unacceptably high level. As of
2024, D.C. had the fourth highest homicide rate of major U.S. cities and a
higher homicide rate than all 50 states. As Charles Lehman of the Manhattan
Institute points out, the city’s homicide rate for young black men has been
above the national average for decades now.
The killings overwhelmingly involve males who have
already been entangled in the criminal justice system, with substantial rap
sheets and often prison time. Lehman cites a report by the National Institute
for Criminal Justice Reform that found that about “500 identifiable people” are
in this category and account for 60 to 70 percent of all the gun violence in
the city.
The carjackings, meanwhile, tend to be carried out by
minors.
Lehman argues that D.C. needs more cops who are more
active making stops and arrests, and needs more prosecutions. It also should be
targeting the relatively small group of people most prone to violence and the
city’s gangs. All of this, coupled with cleaning up homeless encampments, could
continue the recent favorable trends and, over time, make the city feel like a
better, safer place.
It’s probably too much to ask that the government of
Washington, D.C., meet the soaring, implicit standard of its most famous
buildings, but not having to fear roving bands of young thugs would be a step
in the right direction.
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