By Dan McLaughlin
Wednesday, August 20, 2025
David Brooks argues in the New York Times that
America’s poisonous politics derives from social segregation between the
college-educated class and the non-college-educated class, mainly through the
fault of the former:
More Americans used to join
cross-class community organizations like the Rotary or the Elks clubs. But
gradually, highly educated people left them for professional organizations
filled with others more like themselves. Skocpol wrote: “Once highly educated
Americans would have been members and leaders of such cross-class voluntary
federations. Now many barely know about them.” That self-segregation was
symptomatic. Many college-educated people were at the same time segregating
themselves in neighborhoods where nearly everybody had college degrees into
professions where everybody did, into social circles in which you can go weeks
without meeting somebody from the working class. . . . Those of us in the
college-educated class are good at segregating ourselves from others, but we’re
astoundingly good at segregating our kids — simply by equipping them to join
our ranks.
Leaving aside aspects of the column that may catch in the
throat of conservative readers, it’s a well-argued thesis as far as it goes.
But it doesn’t go far enough.
Some of the collapse of cross-class institutions was
driven by external and generational factors. For example, the Veterans of
Foreign Wars was once a major community institution crossing class lines, just
as military service was a common experience. That began to fray during Vietnam,
when college deferments meant that college-going young men were much likelier
to avoid the draft. But with the passing of the generations that fought the
world wars and the shift to an all-volunteer military, only a small fraction of
Americans born in the past 70 years have served in foreign wars. It’s just no
longer a common, shared experience.
But what Brooks is not bold enough to tell his readers is
that this isn’t just a class thing; it’s an ideological thing. Progressive
lawsuits, pressure campaigns, and marches through the institutions had a lot to
do with killing cross-class institutions, especially those that once served
men. The Boy Scouts are Exhibit A of this dynamic: dads and sons camping in the
woods and learning knots and archery and the like was once an activity where it
didn’t matter if your dad was a surgeon or a bricklayer. Endless assaults on
the Scouts’ all-male environment and resistance to gay scoutmasters were a big
part of what decimated their ranks. Similar stories can be told in other such
institutions, all of them driven by the particular moral postures of
college-educated left-wingers. If our divisions have driven increasing numbers
of working-class and blue-collar Americans to the right, it’s partly because
they know who made those dividing lines and who considers them a cultural
enemy.
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