Saturday, August 23, 2025

Trump’s Ukraine Reset

By Judson Berger

Friday, August 22, 2025

 

You know who was notably quiet during this week’s White House gaggle with Volodymyr Zelensky? Vice President JD Vance.

 

The veep’s subdued presence before the cameras as compared with his active role escalating a diplomatic blow-up back in February was one sign that, just maybe, the Trump administration is indeed committed to seeking a peace deal that doesn’t leave Ukraine to the wolves (or bear).

 

Among the many big questions is what kind of security guarantees President Trump is entertaining, realistically.

 

“Would Trump really now dangle such a significant change in his position — the change that is most coveted by the Ukrainians — in order to get them to agree to land swaps with Russia and a cease-fire?” Mark Wright asks. “The devil will be in the details of course.”

 

Special envoy Steve Witkoff has described what’s now being discussed as including “Article 5-like language” covering a security guarantee, which would be . . . significant. At the same time, by the morning after the Zelensky meeting, Trump was insisting to Fox News that there won’t be boots on the ground in Ukraine: “You have my assurance.”

 

National Review’s editorial calls talk of a NATO-like guarantee a “pipe dream” (Noah Rothman voices other concerns), describing any plan as likely to involve an offer of some sort of air support, short of Americans on the ground. Trump nevertheless appears serious about a deal, judging by the presence in Washington on Monday of top European leaders — and the push for future meetings with Zelensky and Vladimir Putin, and eventually Trump.

 

Jim Geraghty puts the developments of the past week in perspective; on the security guarantees, he writes:

 

If this comes to pass, it will be one of the biggest game-changers to the region imaginable, an outcome that is not just good enough for the remaining 80 percent of Ukraine that is independent, but one that would effectively shut off the possibility of further Russian aggression in the long term. In fact, because this is such a huge win for Ukraine, it’s fair to wonder if it will come to pass, or what the catch is.

 

There was, in fact, a catch. It now turns out that Russia says it wants veto power over any such support (“a bit like the criminal saying he will abide by the law if he can be his own judge,” Gregory W. Slayton writes). Still, Jim challenges the received wisdom that Russia can endure endless casualties, and wonders “if Putin is looking for a way to end the war and spin it as a glorious victory.”

 

Much (more) can yet go wrong. The Russian leader did appear to emerge from the initial Anchorage summit with more spring in his step than Trump, as Mark observed at the time. And, of course, it is far from clear whether all parties can agree to terms, or want to. NR’s editorial, with the last words:

 

There is now talk of three-way talks between Trump, Zelensky, and Putin, but would they, by themselves, be enough to persuade Putin to push the pause button on a war of attrition he believes he can win? It seems unlikely.

 

In the end, while the closer understanding between the U.S. on the one side and Ukraine and Europe on the other is a relief, we have yet to see how it will hold up when the extent of the chasm between Russia and Ukraine again becomes apparent to an American president still chasing the will-o’-the-wisp of a quick peace.

 

Trump’s efforts to come to a deal are welcome, and should be pursued, but the best hope of bringing a halt to the fighting on an even remotely acceptable basis is for Putin to be convinced that victory, or even significant additional territorial gains, are beyond his grasp for now — at least at a cost that he is prepared to pay. For that to happen, sanctions will have to be tightened further, and Europe and the U.S. will have to keep supplying Ukraine with the support it needs.

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