By Christian Schneider
Thursday, August 28, 2025
As unlikely as it seems, the music and political worlds
share the same rhythms. In each case, big hits from the past keep reemerging
from the generation before, having been forgotten or never learned by the kids
today.
For instance, Chappell Roan fans are likely unbothered
that the songstress is effectively recycling Lady Gaga’s act from 15 years ago
(which was largely lifted from Madonna’s controversial work in the 1980s). Some
forgotten Beatles recording or a new documentary drops every few years,
reminding people of the band’s greatness and setting off a new round of
Beatlemania. You can set your watch by how often a punk band emerges and
“revives” the work of the Ramones. And what is Olivia Rodrigo if not the Gen Z
Alanis Morissette?
In the same way, politics operates on the backs of people
who have forgotten the big fads of a decade ago or are too young to have
learned them at the time. It’s why New Yorkers are poised to elect a mayor promising government-owned grocery
stores, frozen rents, and free child care and bus service. There is hardly a
public policy issue that has been studied more than the New York City rent
controls implemented in the 1970s, which proved to be a greater disaster than
the Cracker Barrel redesign.
But as George Will has noted (himself echoing Mencken),
we need a Zohran Mamdani every now and then to give the voters what they want,
good and hard. Will celebrates the tutorial that Mamdani’s socialist plans are
about to foist on America. “Socialism in a circumscribed but conspicuous
jurisdiction can occasionally be a valuable reminder of toxic political
temptations,” he writes.
And this week saw another revival of one of the greatest
hits, this time from the early 21st century. The group Defending Education issued a report reminding us that
since 2022, America’s largest teachers’ unions — the National Education
Association and the American Federation of Teachers — have collected over $43
million from their members, a sum that was then funneled back to organizations
supporting Democratic politicians and left-wing causes. Some of these
contributions were made to places like the Bill, Hillary & Chelsea Clinton
Foundation ($100,000), MoveOn.org Political Action ($250,000), and Protect
Constitutional Abortion Rights ($100,000).
Those who can remember all the way back to the 2010
Wisconsin protests over public-sector union benefits can simply shrug and say,
“Yeah, we know.” When then-Governor Scott Walker exposed the corruption of the
system involving public school teachers and unions, the state erupted in
protest, with liberal teachers walking out of their classrooms to bang drums
and blow horns in an effort to maintain their political clout.
The system was poisonous. Teachers were compelled to join
a union, which then took a piece of their salaries to fund Democratic
politicians. It was a government-sanctioned advantage for liberal politicians;
the teachers’ unions were routinely the heaviest spenders in every election
cycle around the state.
A portion of every teacher’s salary was thus taken to
support political candidates, whether they agreed with their politics or not.
And it meant that the unions were pumping millions of dollars into campaigns to
elect the very officials who would negotiate their contracts — a breathtaking
conflict of interest in which the politicians and unions found themselves on
the same side of the negotiating table.
(The unions claimed their members could opt out of having
their dues used for politics, but money is fungible — a dollar of dues money
used to pay for union office space is a dollar freed up to buy a Democratic
politician.)
Since Walker’s victory over public-sector bargaining,
public unionization has been weakened even further by Supreme Court cases like Janus v. AFSCME, in which the court barred mandatory
fees for public-employee unions. But the Defending Education report suggests
that the pipeline of public union money is still flowing, sending millions of
dollars to groups supporting Democratic candidates (Senate Majority PAC, House
Majority PAC, etc.). And this doesn’t even count the portion of funds that
unions spend independently on anti-Republican campaign advertisements.
Perhaps in the grand scheme of campaign finance, $40
million isn’t all that much for a couple of national unions to spend. And after
the Walker triumph and the Janus case, it looks like public-sector
unionization is on the run.
But this is 2025, when long-disproven economics is making
a comeback. And it’s not just among Democrats. Republicans are embracing
tariffs and government investment in private companies more tightly than Travis embraces Taylor. It is clear that GOP politicians
will quickly scrap any previously held position in support of free markets to
stay in the good graces of their president.
And that includes flirting with unions — consider that
the president of the Teamsters Union was one of the prime-time speakers at the Republican
National Convention last summer. In recasting the GOP as the party of the
“working class,” the march toward progressivism continues apace.
So whether it’s pop stars dusting off Janet Jackson’s
moves for Gen Z or politicians recycling the same union-fueled schemes that
once sparked street protests, the beat goes on. The kids might think it’s new,
some of the voters might think it’s bold, but anyone with a memory longer than
a TikTok scroll knows the tune — and the scam — by heart. Music and politics
teach the same cruel lesson: What’s “fresh” is often just last decade’s hit on
shuffle, and the real question isn’t whether we recognize it, but whether we’re
foolish enough to start dancing again.
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