By Tomas J. Philpson
Wednesday, July 02, 2025
Conventional wisdom holds that prices for prescription
drugs paid by our government are substantially higher in the United States than
abroad. This has led to various forms of price controls on drugs in the U.S.,
first through the Inflation Reduction Act and recently through proposals for
Most Favored Nation (MFN) pricing whereby U.S. public payers should have the
most favorable pricing.
However, evidence suggests that U.S. patients typically
enjoy the lowest prices for prescription drugs worldwide. For nine out of ten
times, a drug prescription is filled in the U.S., foreign prescriptions
actually cost twice as much. In fact, a new paper from our center, The
Initiative on Choice and Competition in Health Care at the University of
Chicago, finds that prescriptions filled through Medicare and Medicaid cost 15
percent less, on average, than prescriptions filled in peer countries. U.S.
prices are even lower if one compares median prices, or many other percentiles,
rather than average prices.
That’s because Americans use a much higher percentage of
generic drugs, which prevail after patent expirations of brand-name drugs, than
people in peer nations. A whopping 93 percent of our drug prescriptions are
generic. In addition, our generics cost only about half as much as those
abroad. Although brand-name drugs that are still on patent tend to cost roughly
three times more in the United States, they only account for 7 percent of U.S. prescriptions
filled. By contrast, brand-name drugs account for 22 percent of all
prescriptions filled in the United Kingdom, 27 percent in France, 19 percent in
both Germany and Canada, and 29 percent in Japan.
When comparing typical prices here to abroad, our cheaper
and more utilized generics typically count for far more than differences in
brand-name drug pricing. But the policy debate has been focused on comparisons
of drug prices across countries based solely on brand-name drugs. But this is
like comparing car prices based only on Bentleys and Lamborghinis — it tells
you little about the typical consumer experience. It turns out America already
enjoys the most-favored-nation pricing per prescription filled for its public
payers.
It is often argued that foreign nations free ride on U.S.
pricing in providing the global earnings needed to stimulate worldwide
innovation. But if the U.S. has cheaper drugs, does this mean we, and not
foreigners, are the free riders? No, because free riding concerns not paying
for returns on money spent on medical R&D, a return driven by the pricing
of new brand-name drugs, not generics. The fact that we have cheaper generics
after patents expire does not affect innovative returns from R&D investments.
That leads to the seeming paradox that the U.S. can have the cheapest drugs
but, at the same time, bear a disproportionate burden of the cost of providing
the returns to medical innovation.
The U.S.-branded medicines that ultimately feed the vast
generic arsenal tend to be pricey — and that’s by design. Policies such as the
Hatch-Waxman Act, enacted 40 years ago, were designed to carefully balance
incentives for developing new innovations with long-term affordability.
If policymakers decreed that a new treatment for cancer
that greatly improves survival couldn’t cost more than a Big Mac, no company
would ever invest in creating those new treatments. The end result wouldn’t be
cheaper drugs — it would be no new drugs at all.
Ask patients in Europe what it’s like when new drugs are
not available due to delays or non-adoption by socially engineered single
payers. Economists routinely treat such unavailability as economically
equivalent to a prohibitively expensive price which cannot be afforded — both
leave the patient without the drug. When a drug is available in the United
States but not abroad, as is often the case, the U.S. drugs are therefore
cheaper. So not only are 93 percent of generic prescriptions cheaper, but some of
the remaining brand-name prescriptions are also.
Of course, new brand-name drugs don’t remain expensive
forever. Once drugs lose their patent protections, the freer competition
allowed in the United States encourages cheaper generics and biosimilars. This
applies to the improvement of existing drugs as well, which come from new
patents that always require additional R&D to be generated. According to the FDA, by the time there are six or more
competing generics, prices fall by 95 percent.
So American patients get the best of both worlds — the
incentive structure that produces lifesaving new drugs in the future alongside
the competition that ultimately makes them cheap. At the end of the day, public
payer prescriptions already cost less in America — but the American model leads
to more R&D investment and lives saved.
Other developed countries could reduce their reliance on
free riding by adopting the American approach of allowing pricing for new drugs
that better aligns with their value, while deregulating generics to allow more
competition. Instead, they do the opposite. They artificially suppress prices
for innovative drugs and insulate generic manufacturers from competition
through regulatory barriers and price controls.
The Trump administration rightly believes that this
status quo, in which Americans fund the lion’s share of global pharmaceutical
innovation through our more expensive brand-name drugs, is unfair. Indeed,
about 75 percent of the global pharma earnings that reward R&D investors
occur in the U.S. despite the U.S. making up less than a quarter of global GDP.
The solution is likely not to make America more like Europe through price
controls — it’s to use trade agreements to make Europe more like America.
In fact, President Trump already pointed to such trade talks as the solution in
Section 3 of his May 12 Drug Pricing Executive Order. Europe’s free-riding on
America for life-science innovation is similar to the continent’s dependency on
the United States for security. As I have argued
before in these pages, the Trump administration should pursue a NATO-style
approach to reduce free-riding in providing the global returns to medical
innovation. Providing the global returns to medical innovation is a public good
that all countries desire to have, but few outside the US are paying for.
Undoubtedly, European governments will initially resist
such NATO-like agreements to curb their free-riding, claiming that their
socialized healthcare systems can’t afford to pay US prices for drugs. But our
new evidence shows this is a fallacy. Countries that implement U.S.-style
reforms would not necessarily spend more in total on drugs than they already
do. By allowing higher prices on brands while letting competition lower them
for more used generics, free riding could be cut, while total drug spending is
reduced.
If foreign countries adopted the U.S. model, we would no
longer have to heavily subsidize global R&D. And the entire world would
benefit from more new discoveries while enjoying the lower prices of public
payers in the U.S.
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