By Sean Durns
Wednesday, July 30, 2025
‘A desk,” the famous spy novelist John le Carré, famously
observed, “is a dangerous place from which to view the world.” Israeli spies
haven’t just been operating from behind desks, however. Israel’s long history
of operating in Iran is largely — but not completely — one of triumph.
In the early morning hours of June 13, Israel struck
Iran, taking out key ballistic missile and drone sites and largely eliminating the Islamic Republic’s military leadership in
one fell swoop. Israel allegedly lured Iran’s top military commanders into a
meeting only to take them out with a precision strike. It was the largest
decapitation strike in modern military history.
Israel also killed the regime’s top nuclear scientists, proving that
you can, it turns out, kill an idea. The Islamic Republic’s dreams of
destroying Israel and murdering Jews in a nuclear holocaust went with them.
Subsequent U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear sites were enabled by Israeli
intelligence, which had “boots on the ground beforehand” and had been monitoring multiple locations “for years,” according to the
Times of London. The Pentagon recently assessed that the country’s
nuclear program has been set back by two years or longer.
Many top Iranian officials were killed in their
residences with precision strikes, indicating that Israel literally knew where
they slept — often down to the very room. Some apparatchiks attempted to flee,
only to be killed later in other hideouts that, unbeknownst to them, Israeli
forces already knew about. While Israel was bombing key sites and officials, it
also made menacing phone calls to lower-level Iranian military
leaders. In every sense, Israel had Iran’s number.
Indeed, prior to the attack, Israel even built a covert
drone base inside of Iran, which had been constructed over several months with parts smuggled into
the country. One unnamed Israeli official told the Times of Israel that the operation relied
on “groundbreaking thinking, bold planning and surgical operation of advanced
technologies, special forces and agents operating in the heart of Iran while
totally evading the eyes of local intelligence.” If this sounds a bit like
bragging, it is well-deserved.
Israel, it seems, was able to operate with near impunity
on Iranian soil. But its success didn’t happen overnight.
Indeed, the history of Israeli intelligence operations in
Iran is filled with twists and turns and highs and lows. Iran’s support for
terrorism, its attempts to acquire nuclear weapons, and its genocidal ambitions
are the gravest threat to Israeli security in the tiny nation’s existence. But
it was not always thus.
On March 13, 1978, two Israeli officials took a secret
flight to Kish, an island ten miles off the Iranian shore in the Persian Gulf.
The Mossad’s station chief in Iran, Reuven Merhav, was accompanied by Uri
Lubrani, Israel’s ambassador to the country. Iran’s longtime ruler, Mohammad
Reza Pahlavi, faced mounting opposition.
Merhav and Lubrani gave a warning to Israel’s security establishment. The Shah’s grip
on power was coming loose. His attempts at modernization were too far and too
fast for many of the country’s influential clerics and retrograde elements, and
both too slow and not enough for the secular establishment. The demise of the
Pahlavi dynasty loomed.
Yet Israel’s foreign ministry and the Mossad, its premier
intelligence service, were unreceptive. Nor were they alone. On the eve of
Iran’s Islamic Revolution, the CIA believed that there would be “no radical change in Iranian
political behavior in the near future.” They were soon proven wrong.
On January 16, 1979, the Shah left for Egypt, taking key
aides and a box of Iranian soil with him. The next day, Shapour Bakhtiar, the
secular prime minister now leading the country, asked the Mossad to kill
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the radical septuagenarian cleric who had been
fomenting protests from his exile in Paris. The Mossad refused.
As the journalist Ronen Bergman recounts, one divisional
head said: “Let Khomeini go back to Iran. He won’t last. The military and SAVAK
[the Shah’s secret police] will handle him and his people protesting in the
streets of the cities.” The official added that Khomeini “represents Iran’s
past, not its future.”
But Khomeini was Iran’s future. The forces unleashed by
Iran’s 1979 Islamic Revolution would forever change the Middle East. The
half-century of wars — the so-called Global War on Terror — are unthinkable
absent the ascent of a radical theocracy with millenarian ambitions. Khomeini
sought to fashion an Islamic epoch with himself at the forefront.
The Islamic Republic’s first target for exporting the
revolution was Lebanon. In July 1982, Iran and Syria initiated a military
agreement that allowed the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to begin operating
in the Levantine nation. Lebanon was a fitting choice — in the early 1970s,
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) operatives had trained the nucleus of the IRGC. Now the terror was coming
full circle, with IRGC agents helping fashion what would become the jewel in
Tehran’s crown: Hezbollah, the Party of God.
Israeli intelligence was slow to pick up the threat. On
November 11, 1982, suicide bombers in Tyre, Lebanon, used vehicles packed with
explosives to murder 76 members of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and Shin
Bet, Israel’s equivalent to the FBI. It was the first Islamist suicide
terrorist attack outside of Iran. For years, Hezbollah hid its involvement.
Other attacks followed, including an April 1983 attack on the U.S. Embassy in
Beirut and an attack in October of that year that murdered 241 Marines and 58
French paratroopers who were part of a peacekeeping force.
By the mid-1980s, Israeli intelligence was belatedly
grasping the threat. In the 1950s, Israeli spies had sent booby-trapped
packages to their Egyptian counterparts who were sponsoring terror attacks
against the Jewish state. They attempted to repeat the feat, sending an
explosive package in early 1984 to Ali Akbar Mohtashamipur, a Shiite cleric tasked by Khomeini with spreading the revolution to Lebanon
and Syria. The blast cost him an eye, a hand, and one of his ears. But
Mohtashamipur lived.
Israeli operatives continued to wage war on Iranian
proxies in Lebanon and Syria, culminating in the 1992 assassination of
Hezbollah head Hussein Abbas al-Musawi. It was a fateful choice. Musawi’s successor, Hassan Nasrallah,
proved to be far more capable and far more charismatic. Under Nasrallah’s
leadership, Hezbollah’s prowess grew by leaps and bounds.
For years the war between the Islamic Republic and Israel
raged on, with Tehran using its proxies to open up new fronts as it sought to
engulf Israel in a “ring of fire,” wearing the Jewish state down in a war of
attrition while it simultaneously sought nuclear weapons. Consequently, many
more wars followed. And new battle spaces, notably in cyber and ground-to-air
capabilities such as drones, emerged. While it was initially caught flatfooted,
Israeli intelligence soon gained ground in the long war against Tehran and its
proxies.
The Global War on Terror that followed the September 11,
2001, terror attacks further demonstrated Israel’s value as a strategic ally.
Intelligence and security cooperation between the two nations picked up steam.
Jerusalem and Washington shared many of the same enemies — and targets. In
2008, a joint CIA-Mossad operation killed terror mastermind Imad Mughniyeh, a
former PLO operative who had risen to become Hezbollah’s second in
command.
With greater frequency, Israel began to take the fight
directly to Iran, enabled by the advent of technology and domains that favored
the qualitative edge held by the Jewish state. The inherent brittleness of the
Islamic Republic — its history of brutally repressing its own people and its
endemic corruption — gave Israel a growing roster of in-country assets to
exploit. Indeed, the Mossad has been able to operate on the ground, in multiple
Iranian provinces. Some evidence even suggests they’ve interrogated regime operatives on Iranian
soil itself.
On January 31, 2018, the Mossad pulled off the “largest physical heist of intelligence
materials from an enemy capital in the history of espionage,” reporters Yonah
Jeremy Bob and Ilan Evyatar noted in their book Target Tehran. Two dozen
Mossad operatives and their spies in Iran managed to remove the regime’s
nuclear archive. In six and a half hours, they extricated “the entire record of
Iran’s strenuous effort to become a nuclear-armed power.” The archive, verified
by Washington, demonstrated that the Islamic Republic not only had a hidden
nuclear program but had been negotiating in bad faith with the U.S. and others.
The daring operation was likely key to securing future American support for
operations against Iran.
Israel also began targeting the regime’s nuclear scientists. Since the early
2000s, at the direction of then–Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, the Mossad began
prioritizing intelligence gathering inside Iran. Mossad head Meir Dagan put the
agency on a “war footing” to take out key components of Iran’s nuclear program.
Israel also increased cooperation with Arab states that feared Tehran’s getting
nukes and whose intelligence services had a number of operational advantages
over the Mossad.
Israel’s steady campaign of targeted assassinations and
covert operations culminated in the nation’s stunning success in June. Rome
wasn’t built in a day. Neither was Israel’s intelligence victory against the
Islamic Republic. But humility is also required. After all, it’s been a long
war, and the fight will no doubt continue.
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