By Nick Catoggio
Wednesday, July 16, 2025
If Republicans have a
complex about “fighting,” Democrats have a complex about “messaging.”
It stems, I think, from the leftist conviction that
politics is mostly a competition for wealth and resources. Mostly, let
me stress: When liberals know that the public is emphatically on their side of
a cultural flashpoint, as with abortion and gay marriage, they’ll campaign
aggressively on it.
But they routinely disdain right-wing cultural concerns
as lowbrow “distractions” from the more important business of redistribution.
See, for example, Barack Obama’s explanation during the 2008 campaign for why rural
voters bitterly cling to guns and religion, or Thomas Frank’s influential
2004 book, What’s
the Matter with Kansas? The culture war is a tool of the bourgeoisie to
create a false consciousness in the underclass about their economic
exploitation—except when it clearly benefits Democrats, that is.
This is why nearly every cultural skirmish eventually
leads to prominent liberals wringing their hands about “distractions.” They’re
so prone to it that from time to time they’ll do it reflexively, even when
they’re on the right side of public opinion in a cultural dispute. Ask
California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who dismissed anxiety about Kilmar Abrego Garcia
being sent to El Salvador without due process in April as a
“distraction” from the supposedly more urgent business of rallying against
Trump’s tariffs.
Somewhere in the left-wing imagination lies an
unshakeable belief that every right-wing political preoccupation is a ploy
designed to lure Democrats into throwing themselves “off-message” by engaging
with it. That belief will surely reveal itself again as the saga of the Jeffrey
Epstein files plays out.
In fact, it already has. “I think the Democrats have just
this wonderful opportunity … this Big, Beautiful Bill, people detest this. And
the more that they find out about it, the more they detest it,” James Carville told CNN on
Tuesday. “The Epstein thing is a distraction.”
Is that right? Does it follow that Democrats should drop
the Epstein “distraction”?
Or, with 16 months to go before the midterms, is there
perhaps a bit of room amid the broadsides at the One Big Beautiful Bill for
caring about whether the president was an accomplice to the most notorious
child molester in American history—and is now trying to cover it up?
We can (and will, as usual) overthink the strategic pros
and cons of Democrats going hard at Republicans over Epstein in what follows,
but ultimately it isn’t a matter of strategy. It’s a matter of revenge.
It’s not business. It’s personal.
Political poison.
I can think of two vaguely decent arguments for Democrats
to lay off the Epstein matter and let Republicans fight it out among
themselves. One is that they’re unlikely to benefit much from it.
They will, and should, follow Carville’s advice next fall
by running on the policy disasters lurking in the tax-and-spend bill that
Republicans just passed. That legislation is political
poison; it would be malpractice not to make the GOP swallow it. Unless the
Justice Department’s Epstein files really do incriminate Trump—and they
probably don’t, as that presumably would have leaked at some point—then this
controversy will fade soon enough. There’s no sense in Democrats investing much
time in it.
The problem with that argument is that the Epstein matter
is also politically poisonous for Republicans.
“Internal Democratic polling … found that 70 percent of
voters said law enforcement is withholding information about powerful people
connected to Epstein, including 61 percent of Trump voters,” Politico
reported on Wednesday. If you doubt those numbers because internal polls tend
to be self-serving, try this: A new CNN
survey discovered just 3 percent of Americans and 4 percent of Republicans
are satisfied with the amount of information that the federal government has
released about the Epstein case.
A third poll, from YouGov,
asked respondents whether the feds should publish the documents they have on
the late pervert-financier. Seventy-nine percent said yes. When asked if they
believe the government is covering up the evidence it has on him, 67 percent
agreed. Among Republicans, 50 percent said so versus just 15 percent who
doubted it.
One more. A survey from the left-wing outfit Data for
Progress quizzed Republican voters specifically on whether they approve or
disapprove of how Trump’s administration has handled the question of releasing
the files. Those who have heard “a lot” about the controversy split 40-55, a
rare case of the president being deeply underwater with highly engaged
populists.
No one thinks that the Epstein snafu will turn Joe Rogan
and his neo-right listeners back into Bernie bros. (I don’t, anyway.) But could
it convince some of them to boycott the midterms if it becomes one part of a
broader case that Republicans have failed recent MAGA converts? Sure.
Listen to the man himself.
The right is suffering a crisis of trust and the left can benefit from that at
the polls, if only marginally then perhaps still decisively. You can rarely go
wrong in politics by siding with the majority on a hot-button issue, especially
when that majority is pushing 80 percent.
Tribal polarization.
The other argument for Democrats to lay off of Epstein is
the one I made at
the end of Monday’s newsletter. Trump’s best bet to escape this clusterfark
with his coalition intact is for liberals to push their way to the front of the
populist parade that’s demanding answers from the DOJ and turn it into another
tribally polarized issue along the usual left-right lines.
The more the president’s enemies take political ownership
of the effort to release the files, the less the grassroots right will want to
join it.
Trump knows it too, which is why he’s begun alleging that
the Epstein files were written by
Barack Obama, James Comey, and other central-casting Democratic villains.
Logically, that’s idiotic: His fans want to hear that Obama and Comey are in
the files, not that they’re behind them. But he knows from long experience that
the surest way to get his troops to fall in line behind him is to start
muttering about left-wing plots. It’s a Pavlovian response.
This morning he even used the
magic word, sending up the MAGA bat signal by dubbing the current
controversy the “Jeffrey
Epstein Hoax.” When Trump is in a political jam and starts muttering about
“hoaxes,” that’s your cue as a populist to treat the controversy as a pure
us-and-them loyalty test.
So there’s something to be said for Democrats lying low
and depriving him of the foil he’s counting on to help him wriggle out of this.
Let Elon Musk, Steve Bannon, Tucker Carlson, Megyn Kelly, Joe Rogan, and a
constellation of other trusted right-wing influencers take the lead in rallying
MAGA. Liberals should remember the old saying: When your enemy is making a
mistake, get out of his way.
If instead they push Bondi and the DOJ to release the
files, Democrats will be taking a double risk—first that their interest will
alienate Republicans, and second that the files will be released and
confirm that Trump isn’t suspected of child abuse (or, perhaps, that some in
their own ranks are). Better to back off, let the president and his attorney
general continue to suppress the documents, and let the right stew in its own
paranoia about why its leader seems so keen to run interference for a coven of
Satanic pedophiles.
That argument doesn’t work either, though, for the simple
reason that Trump really might make this go away if his opponents don’t press
him on it.
The word has apparently come down from the Mar-a-Lago
politburo to influential commissars that it’s
time to stop talking about Jeffrey Epstein. Some
have obeyed,
including Republican state media: Fox News reportedly mentioned Epstein just
eight times during its live coverage on Monday, compared to 158
mentions of Joe Biden. The House GOP has already defeated two attempts this
week to force a floor vote on releasing the DOJ’s Epstein files, meanwhile, and
will likely soon
defeat another.
Don’t underestimate the MAGA establishment’s ability to
organize a conspiracy of silence on the right about uncomfortable subjects.
They’ve done it many times with other Trump scandals. Granted, the Epstein
matter is different insofar as populists continue to believe (for now) that the
truth about it will reflect badly on Democrats, not on Trump, but that might
not matter. The purpose of modern right-wing media is to promote
information that’s useful, not information that’s true, and Trump has
decreed—for whatever reason—that further information on Epstein isn’t useful.
So getting out of the way isn’t an option for liberals.
If they want to avert a top-down Republican blackout on the Epstein files,
they’ll need to keep talking about them.
Meltdown.
They have a sound strategic reason to do so, too. Simply
put, the president and his team have handled the Epstein uproar abysmally, and
keeping the pressure on is apt to lead them into further destructive mistakes.
Bondi had distinguished herself as the
most incompetent player in the process until Tuesday evening, when Trump’s
anger that his fans won’t let this drop boiled over. “I don’t understand why
the Jeffrey Epstein case would be of interest to anybody,” he told reporters. “It’s
pretty boring stuff. It’s sordid but it’s boring. … I think really only pretty
bad people, including fake news, want to keep something like that going.”
“Pretty bad people” in this case would seem to include
nearly the entirety of MAGA.
I’m not kidding. On Wednesday morning the president went
as far as to disown
his own fans if they persist in caring about Epstein:
[Democrats’] new SCAM is what we
will forever call the Jeffrey Epstein Hoax, and my PAST supporters have bought
into this “bulls–t,” hook, line, and sinker. They haven’t learned their lesson,
and probably never will, even after being conned by the Lunatic Left for 8 long
years. I have had more success in 6 months than perhaps any President in our
Country’s history, and all these people want to talk about, with strong
prodding by the Fake News and the success starved Dems, is the Jeffrey Epstein
Hoax. Let these weaklings continue forward and do the Democrats work, don’t
even think about talking of our incredible and unprecedented success, because I
don’t want their support anymore!
It’s very funny that the ultimate culture warrior, a
diehard conspiracy theorist, is now mad at his voters for caring more about
culture-war conspiracies than about policy wins. But I digress.
We’re only 10
days into this crisis and, as the passage above makes clear, already Trump
has had a mental break over it severe enough to cause him to excommunicate his
own cult. Even the most zombified kooks in his coalition are pleading with him to
take justice for the Great Child-Molestation Cabal more seriously. To make
matters worse, suspicious new revelations about the DOJ and Epstein keep
trickling out.
If you’re a Democrat watching the right melt down, you
don’t need an elaborate strategic argument to figure out your next step. You turn
up the heat and hope for the best. Who knows? With any luck, the schismatic
fundamentalist offshoot of MAGA that I predicted
last week might arrive sooner than
expected.
But as I said at the start of this piece, the left’s
interest in the Epstein chaos isn’t ultimately about strategy, it’s about
revenge. Retribution,
one might call it.
Retribution.
For 10 years Democrats have been whipping boys for the
most successful demagogue in American history. More than 10, actually, as it
was Trump who took the right’s paranoia about Barack Obama’s birth certificate
mainstream in 2011. Democrats nearly had the presidency stolen from them in
2020 when Trump hatched an inane conspiracy theory about election-rigging. Many
of his fans treat it as received wisdom that elite liberals are, to a man,
complicit in a global ring of degenerate pedophiles.
Seeing Trump now hoisted with his own petard in the
Epstein matter is just deserts, an immensely gratifying bit of political karma
for Trump enemies of all stripes. At last the
leopards are nibbling at his own face. After all the demagoguery they’ve
endured, who would begrudge Democrats wanting to add a little ketchup?
It’s not business this time, it’s personal. And seeing
their leaders get personal may be important to rank-and-file liberals.
“Democratic members of Congress are facing a growing
thrum of demands to break the rules, fight dirty—and not be afraid to get
hurt,” Axios
reported last week. “Get hurt” wasn’t metaphorical. One House Democrat told the
outlet that some grassroots leftists believe their representatives need to be
“willing to get shot” when visiting ICE facilities or federal agencies. Another
Democrat claimed his constituents believe “civility isn’t working” and that the
time has come to prepare for “violence … to fight to protect our democracy.”
Reading that reminded me of the backlash that Chuck
Schumer faced in March when he declined
to support a federal shutdown. Strategically, it was the right move. Had
Democrats shut things down, they would have validated the traditional Tea Party
tactic of holding the government hostage while almost certainly failing to
receive meaningful concessions from Trump.
But politics isn’t always about strategy, as
Schumer-bashing liberals demonstrated in the aftermath. Sometimes it’s about
gratifying the partisan id.
It’s always about gratifying the id, Trump might
reply—and while that seems like an overstatement, his record in national
elections suggests it isn’t much of one. I can imagine the jealous exasperation
Democrats must feel at seeing the weenies in their own leadership forever
fretting about “distractions” and “messaging” while the guy on the other side
bulldozes his way to two presidential victories and one near-miss.
Flogging paranoia about an Epstein cover-up is Democrats’
chance to hop into the bulldozer and give Trump a taste of his own demagogic
medicine. For once, his own party will get to see how it feels to have its
leadership loosely smeared as suspects in a ruthless child-abuse conspiracy.
That might not deliver (many) votes to liberals on Election Day 2026, but it will
help appease a base that’s frantic to go on offense and wound the right.
You can call that “strategy” if you like, I suppose,
although I’d say that strategy is often a matter of doing what you wish to do
and then backfilling logical reasons to justify it. Either way, for Democrats,
sowing mischief among Republicans over Epstein is a no-brainer.
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