By Nick Catoggio
Thursday, May 01, 2025
Spier & Mackay is a clothing retailer based in Canada
that famously provides some of the best value in menswear. I own two suits from
them for which I paid $700 apiece.
One can get a mediocre suit for less from a hundred
different shops, but a fully canvassed suit made with fabric from
top-tier mills? Measured by bang for the buck, S&M is all but unbeatable.
You can guess how they manage to be such a bargain. Their
products are manufactured overseas, including in China.
On Wednesday management emailed American customers to
notify them that pricing had changed to reflect the new 145 percent tariff on
Chinese-made products. Normally a $700 suit would be exempt, as it falls below
the $800 threshold for a “de minimis” purchase, but the president eliminated
that exemption for Chinese goods as of May 2.
My Twitter feed is ruthlessly curated to promote
political news, not men’s apparel, so imagine my surprise when I logged in last
night and the term “Spier & Mackay” started popping up. It felt like
watching a movie and suddenly recognizing someone you know onscreen.
The fate of the business crossed over into the political
space when critics of the president’s tariffs began retweeting angry S&M
patrons venting their wrath at the absurdity of the new price increases. One made a
purchase for $523 only to be hit with an $890 tariff on checkout. Total cost:
$1,413. Another
bought a $91 shirt and got stuck with a bill for $276 while a third ordered a
sportcoat for $628 and came away owing just shy of $1,800.
Literally overnight, Spier & Mackay is no longer the
best value in menswear. Whether a company beloved by its customer base will
survive now depends on how long the tariffs on China persist (i.e., what mood
Donald Trump happens to be in on any given day) and whether it can shift
manufacturing to some lower-tariffed country before it goes belly up. Even if
it manages to stay afloat, it’ll presumably need to make sacrifices on quality
or price. Or both.
But who cares? Suits are still available in those hundred
other shops I mentioned, right?
Spier & Mackay fans now have a few options. They can
buy a quality American-made suit—if they can afford it, as those will cost much more than
the comparable pre-tariff S&M merchandise did. They can buy a less
expensive, cheaply made American suit that looks bad and wears out quickly, and
which they don’t actually want to wear. Or they can buy a suit made overseas
somewhere other than China, which may or may not be well constructed but which
will also certainly cost more than it used to due to the 10 percent global
tariffs imposed during the “pause” in the president’s trade war.
In other words, the various less satisfying options that
led customers to seek out Spier & Mackay in the first place are now all
they have left. Fewer choices, higher prices, lower quality: That’s the magic
of Trump
juche.
Yesterday the president told Americans to get used to it.
Abundance and scarcity.
Jonah Goldberg recently described the president as an “Abundance
Democrat,” playing off the thesis of the new
book by Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson. The left’s smartest wonks have
discovered (very belatedly) that their side’s obsession with regulation
has impeded growth of all kinds and are urging their comrades to reform.
Trump shares their belief, Jonah noted. For reasons good
and bad, the president dislikes regulation and is keen to rid himself and the
country (but mostly himself) of it. “Abundance” has always been a core Trump
message, in fact. Elect me, he’s repeatedly told Americans, and we’ll have the
biggest economy, the highest wages, the cheapest energy, and the most robust
manufacturing base.
His arm-twisting
of Ukraine and bullying
of Denmark and Greenland can be viewed through that lens as well. He wants
land, minerals, natural resources. He wants to make us and them (but mostly us)
rich, rich, rich. Abundance! The man himself personifies the concept: His
extreme wealth and taste for gaudy
luxury fed Americans’ belief that he was born with a Midas touch that would
benefit the country if he were elected president.
And it did, sort of. Fond memories of the booming,
pre-COVID, pre-inflation economy of 2019 are what got Trump reelected last
fall. Voters let their worries about his coup plot, his criminal indictments,
and his obsession with “retribution” melt away as he whispered sweet nothings
about abundance in their ears on the campaign trail.
Then, on Wednesday, he announced that abundance is
overrated.
Asked by reporters what he thinks about newly expensive
Chinese goods disappearing
en masse from American stores, the president was sanguine. “You know,
somebody said, ‘Oh, the shelves are going to be open,’” he replied. “Well, maybe
the children will have two dolls instead of 30 dolls, you know? And maybe the
two dolls will cost a couple of bucks more than they would normally.”
Even right-wing media was agog at his
answer. Learn to be happy with less? That has to be one of the most un-American
ideas a president has ever had.
Not “un-American” in the traditional sense, as in
“inconsistent with the country’s civic values.” Trump says stuff in that vein
every day, 20 times a day. I mean “un-American” culturally. The United States
is supposed to be a land of plenty, the place where practically every foreigner
aspires to live precisely because it offers the opportunity to make enough
money to buy your daughter 30 dolls instead of two. The American dream is a
dream of excess, not just owning a house but a big house—or two houses, even.
Multiple cars, lavish vacations, a 65-inch TV in every room, all the electronic
doodads your heart desires: abundance.
This is a country where, if you ask someone why they own
20 guns instead of one, they’re apt to snarl, “Because I g-ddamned well want
to, that’s why.” Excess is as American as mom and apple pie.
More so than any president in my lifetime, Trump is
supposed to embody an abundance mindset. Yet there he was on Wednesday not only
encouraging a scarcity mindset among Americans but doing so in the most
unappealing way possible. It’s not just adults who need to learn to live with
less, he suggested, it’s their children. And it’s not just bare shelves
that we all need to get used to, it’s the idea of paying more for goods that
remain available.
Didn’t this guy get elected promising to end inflation?
One Dispatch colleague noted that it’s not the
prospect of a child having 29 dolls to play with instead of 30 that’s galling,
any more than it’s the prospect of paying a few hundred dollars more for an
American-made suit that’s troubling in the Spier & Mackay saga. It’s the
fact that fewer, more expensive dolls and fewer, more expensive clothing
options means downscale families will struggle to afford anything, in some
cases perhaps forced to do without altogether. In a country governed by a
scarcity mindset, it’s the working class—the people whom Trump and his movement
supposedly care about—that takes it on the chin.
Choice and the greater good.
There’s something familiar about all this, no?
In 2016 the, ahem, globalists of the World Economic Forum
excitedly predicted that in the future “you’ll
own nothing and be happy,” an idea that incensed the American right. That’s
the left’s whole putrid worldview in a nutshell, conservatives complained, forever
rationalizing deprivation as something to aspire to for the greater good
instead of an evil to be despised and avoided. Collectivists (especially
environmentalists) view prosperity as a vice and hardship as a virtue.
Individualists do the opposite.
A year earlier the most influential progressive in the
United States framed the same ideological dispute in terms of consumer choice.
“You can’t just continue growth for the sake of growth in a world in which we
are struggling with climate change and all kinds of environmental problems,”
Sen. Bernie
Sanders told CNBC. “You don’t necessarily need a choice of 23 underarm
spray deodorants or of 18 different pairs of sneakers when children are hungry
in this country.”
It’s true, no one needs a choice of 23 deodorants.
But an economy capable of offering a choice of 23 deodorants is an
economy that’s likely to be growing over time, and growth is good for everyone.
In Sanders’ view, the greater good requires the state to intervene and restrict
consumers’ choices even if that means a smaller GDP. In the conservative
view, the choice isn’t zero-sum: Prioritizing growth, abundance, and
consumer choice will create national prosperity, and that prosperity will do
more to improve the fortunes of the working class than Bernie’s redistributive
scarcity approach will.
Between the result of November’s election and the success
of Klein’s and Thompson’s book, it seemed like the right had won that argument.
Or at least it did until our new right-wing president started, uh … restricting
consumers’ choices for the sake of some greater good, one that exists mostly in
his and Peter Navarro’s imaginations.
The idea of Trumpism having more in common with
progressivism than with conservatism isn’t new to this newsletter (I touched on
it as
recently as Tuesday) but the president’s trade war has opened up an
exciting new frontier in horseshoe politics in which right-wing central
economic planning seems just as likely to wreck American abundance as left-wing
central economic planning would. Under Trump’s leadership, the economy contracted in
the first quarter of this year, ending a string of 11 straight quarters of
growth. The stock market had its worst
“first 100 days” performance under a new administration since 1974.
Shortages of consumer goods are about to hit American retail as shipments
from China evaporate. Corporations are slashing their earnings forecasts or
suspending them altogether due to tariff “uncertainty.”
Manufacturing, allegedly the prime beneficiary of America’s new trade policy, is in chaos.
Asking American children to make do with fewer dolls and
their parents to pay more for the privilege, all in the name of the greater
good—you’ll own less and you’ll be happy—is a collectivist soundbite that could
have come straight out of Bernie Sanders’ mouth. Except that Bernie would have
framed it more tactfully.
A progressive movement.
Not coincidentally, right-wing populists have also begun
emulating the left by scapegoating corporations for the damage caused by their
own policies.
The White House itself did so a few days ago when rumors
circulated that Amazon was about to start featuring the cost of tariffs next to
the price of items, a move Trump spokesman Karoline Leavitt called “a hostile and political
act.” Trump promptly dialed up Jeff Bezos to complain, and the plan (if it ever
existed) was scrapped. The president was “pissed,” one White House official
told CNN.
“Why should a multi-billion-dollar company pass off costs to consumers?”
Why shouldn’t private enterprise happily absorb an
immense financial burden placed upon it by the state, the supposedly Republican
adviser wondered?
Demanding that a corporation, even a big one like Amazon,
simply swallow the cost of a steep new tax—one known to change moment to moment
based on the president’s whims—is so financially lamebrained that I wonder if
even Sanders would stoop to it. But progressive dogma that corporate greed, not
terrible policy, is primarily to blame for higher prices has already begun to
seep into MAGA demagoguery. As the Amazon rumors swirled this week, Fox
Business host Charles
Payne went as far as to wonder why the company’s profit margins need to
keep increasing(!) and accused it of playing a “dangerous political game” for
supposedly wanting to highlight how tariffs had caused prices to rise.
Aren’t … aren’t higher prices the point of
tariffs, though?
Having to pay $1,800 for a $600 Chinese-made sportcoat at
Spier & Mackay isn’t a weird unintended side effect of Trump’s trade
policy. It’s the goal. By making Chinese goods prohibitively expensive, the
White House is deliberately reducing the choices available to American
consumers in hopes of forcing them to buy American (or at least non-Chinese)
alternatives instead. Why would the president and the morons around him object
to Amazon informing its customers of the new economic reality that the administration
has spent weeks painstakingly creating?
And why would anyone in the West Wing want Amazon to
swallow the cost of the tariffs? That won’t do anything to crush demand for
Chinese imports; all it’ll do is make the company’s shareholders poorer and
potentially put Amazon out of business. One of the great mysteries of the trade
war, in fact, is who Trump and his team believe is—or should be—feeling most of
the financial pain from his policy. His comment about dolls suggests that he
understands consumers will do so; his deputy’s comment to CNN implies that they
expect corporate America to bear the burden; but in an interview with ABC News
on Tuesday, the president predicted that China
itself would “eat” the tariffs imposed on it.
China will not be graciously picking up the tab on
Americans’ behalf for a 145 percent levy, as those who read John
McCormack’s report on the site today already know. But that sort of fantasy
is common to progressive economic thinking: Is it so different from the left
believing it can fund its entire policy wishlist by hiking taxes on the rich?
In both cases, it’s less a matter of crafting sober, realistic policy (which
Trump is plainly
incapable of doing) than of identifying a political scapegoat and insisting
that one’s problems can and will be solved if only that scapegoat suffers
enough.
The irony of all this is that traditional conservatives
have been waiting a long time for the right to adopt more of a scarcity mindset
on fiscal policy.
Not by limiting consumer choice, of course, but by
confronting the hard budgetary math on America’s distended national debt.
Learning to be happy with less is unfortunately an unavoidable long-term
consequence of our entitlement crisis—yet Trumpified Republicans in Congress,
by dispensing with all pretense of fiscal discipline, are poised to outdo even
progressives by passing a new spending bill that might
plausibly detonate “the debt bomb” that the country has been sitting on for
the last 30 years. Imagine that. The long-awaited reckoning with unsustainable
spending might arrive not because of a government controlled by President
Bernie Sanders’ party but because of one controlled by President Donald
Trump’s.
America desperately needed a right that understood that
the country’s abundance owes too much to borrowing from others. What it got
instead was a right that’s generating scarcity artificially and needlessly
because it can’t stop
romanticizing the idea of generations within the same family getting stuck
working the same thankless, backbreaking factory jobs as their ancestors. When
the New
York Times interviewed a retired textile worker in South Carolina
recently about bringing that industry back to his town, he reminisced about the
crappy pay, dangerous conditions, and nonexistent upward mobility and wondered,
“Why would the younger generation want to work there?”
It would be nice if the closest we got to a left-wing
mindset in Trump’s presidency was the North-Korea-like spectacle
that presidential Cabinet meetings have become but we’re not going to get
off that easy. Nor do we deserve to.
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