By Jonah Goldberg
Friday, May 16, 2025
On Thursday, former FBI Director James Comey
posted a picture on Instagram with the caption: “Cool shell formation on my
beach walk.” The shells were arranged to spell out “8647.”
This became an outrage on social media
because, obviously, Comey was calling for Donald Trump (the 47th president) to
be murdered.
Murdered? Yes. Murdered.
Donald Trump Jr. responded, “Just James Comey casually
calling for my dad to be murdered.” Department of Homeland Secretary Kristi
Noem leaped into action, tweeting,
“Disgraced former FBI Director James Comey just called for the assassination of @POTUS Trump.
DHS and Secret Service is investigating this threat and will respond
appropriately.” Current FBI Director Kash Patel, no doubt poolside in Vegas,
said he was monitoring the situation closely, but the Secret Service was taking
the lead.
Not to be out
done, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard scrambled to deal with
this emergency the way leaders in national security and intelligence have since
the old OSS days: She ran to a camera to talk to Fox News’ Jesse Watters and told
him, “The danger of this [Instagram photo of some shell-numbers] cannot be
underestimated.”
Watters got to the real crux of the issue quickly. “Do
you believe Comey should be in jail?”
“I do,” Gabbard replied. Lest you think I’m unfairly
leaving out the full context of her answer, here’s the run-on sentence fragment
in all its glory: “I do. Any other person with the position of influence that
he has, people who take very seriously what a guy of his stature, his
experience, and what the propaganda media has built him up to be—I’m very
concerned for the president’s life.”
Any other person … what? I don’t know. I gather
she’s saying people who otherwise would not be inclined to risk their lives in
an attempt to assassinate the president of the United States would of course do
so when a person of (checks notes) James Comey’s stature and influence
posts the number “8647” in shells.
No undue disrespect to Comey, but come on. Stature is in
the eye of the beholder, I guess. But influence? What influence? James Comey is
disliked by a remarkably diverse and large share of the U.S. population. At
least the share that remembers who he is—or was. Don’t get me wrong. I don’t
think Comey should have posted that (and he did take the post down), but mostly
because it was lame. However good he was as a lawyer or FBI director, he’s not
good at politics and should just stick to writing
novels.
I don’t want to belabor this, because you’re either
embarrassed for the country by this unconstrained idiocy and asininity or you
should probably be reading Gateway
Pundit’s coverage of this very serious assassination plot. I don’t
think Comey was calling for Trump’s assassination. Nor do I think there’s a
person out there who would be motivated to assassinate the president by the
numbers 8647, whether spelled in seashells, Cheetos, or the decapitated heads
of Barbie dolls. But just for the record, even if the shells spelled out “Trump
should be fed face first to bears,” Comey would be in no legal jeopardy.
I do love that the same crowd that bragged
about restoring the First Amendment and vowed to end
the era of weaponizing the justice system went straight to the claim that
Comey’s obvious incitement of violence demands that he be put behind bars.
There’s no rule saying you have to be this dumb.
Saudi Arabia did what now?
In what has been called by a number of people—some of
whom I respect—the most important speech
of Trump’s second term, on Tuesday at an event in Saudi Arabia, the president
lavished praise on his hosts and marveled at the economic progress they have
made. Then he added:
And it’s crucial for the wider
world to note this great transformation has not come from Western
interventionalists [sic] or flying people in beautiful planes giving you
lectures on how to live and how to govern your own affairs. No, the gleaming
marvels of Riyadh and Abu Dhabi were not created by the so-called
nation-builders, neocons or liberal nonprofits like those who spent trillions
and trillions of dollars failing to develop Kabul, Baghdad, so many other
cities. Instead, the birth of a modern Middle East has been brought by the
people of the region themselves, the people that are right here, the people
that have lived here all their lives developing your own sovereign countries,
pursuing your own unique visions, and charting your own destinies in your own
way. It’s really incredible what you’ve done.
This is wrong. Oh, I don’t mean it’s wrong for presidents
to crap on the foreign policy of previous administrations (though thinking so
used to be a thing). When Barack Obama gave his first foreign speech in Egypt
and dunked on his predecessors, conservatives carped that it was unpresidential
or something really quaint. And I agree with Trump that “flying people in
beautiful planes” lecturing Arabs on how to live had little to do with the
affluence of the Gulf states. I don’t even mean it was wrong for Trump to
indulge some MAGA fan service by taking a swipe at “neocons.”
I just mean that, factually, he is wrong. Incorrect. The
Gulf states exist because of the United States of America.
No, we didn’t create them, the British and French did
more of the heavy lifting on that front. But if not for American assistance and
“interventionalism,” the hereditary monarchies and dynasties that pass for
nation-states would have almost surely been toppled either by actual
nationalists, socialists, national-socialists, or Islamic radicals of one
stripe or another (as happened in Iran, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Egypt, et al). Or,
they would have been conquered by some of those nationalist or Islamist countries
in the neighborhood, or by the Soviet Union.
We might as well start with President Franklin Roosevelt.
World War II underscored the importance of oil. Beginning in 1940, Italy bombed
Saudi and Bahraini oil facilities. The Saudis realized they needed protection,
and Roosevelt realized protecting the oil supply from the Persian Gulf was in
America’s interest. So he issued an executive order declaring that “the defense
of Saudi Arabia is vital to the defense of the United States” and made Saudi Arabia eligible for Lend-Lease.
In 1945, near the end of the war, FDR
and Saudi King Ibn Saud met on the aircraft carrier USS Quincy and formalized
the relationship between the countries (FDR declined to smoke or drink at
dinner so as to not offend the king). America was granted permission to build
military airfields and America offered protection of Saudi Arabia, its oil
facilities, and, well, the regime.
There were lots of highs and lows during the Cold War.
For instance, I can say without fear of arousing accusations of undue
exaggeration that Israel was a bone of contention. But FDR’s basic idea—which
we extended to the other Gulf states—of trading security for oil held fairly
constant. Other factors came into play. Preventing the Soviets from setting up
shop became another priority.
President Jimmy Carter introduced the “Carter
Doctrine” in 1980, which was just an update of FDR’s project: We would use
military force to protect our interests in the Persian Gulf. This had less to
do with protecting oil supply lines than putting the Soviets on notice, after
their invasion of Afghanistan, that they shouldn’t get any ideas about moving
further West.
In 1987 the Reagan administration reflagged Kuwaiti oil
tankers—and naval escorts—to fend off Iranian attacks.
And then of course there was the first Iraq war, when we
sent hundreds of thousands of American and allied troops to the region to roll
back Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and to protect Saudi Arabia. Whether Saddam
Hussein intended to press on into Saudi Arabia is debated, but the Saudis
definitely thought it was possible, which is one reason they allowed American
troops on their soil.
I could go on, with all of the arms
shipments,intelligence sharing , naval bases, etc., but you get the point.
I could also add, by the way that lots of this glorious
city-building was done by foreign workers, foreign construction firms, foreign
architects, etc. Heck, some financial districts even use English law for
contracts and disputes because indigenous law and custom won’t attract capital.
But I don’t want to be too ungracious about all of this self-sufficiency.
These countries have lived—thrived—with the aid and
protection of the United States. I have plenty of criticisms of this
arrangement, but I also think it’s been defensible for the most part (albeit
punctuated with many indefensible moments).
But who cares what I think? What’s weird is that
Trump—the “restrainer,” “non-interventionist,” enemy of forever wars and
foreign entanglements—has pretty much promised to keep that arrangement going
during his presidency. As Jim
Geraghty beat me to pointing out, Trump said in Qatar:
We are going to protect this
country. And it’s [a] very special place, with a special royal family. The head
of the royal family is two heads of the royal family, really, if you think.
Great. It’s great people, and they’re going to be protected by the United
States of America.
And:
Our relationship now is very strong
with Saudi Arabia. Nobody’s coming, nobody’s going to be bothering that
relationship. Nobody would be able to break that relationship, because of my
relationship with the Crown Prince and the family.
So just to put a fine point on it: These countries did
all this awesome stuff without our help, but now that Trump’s on the scene
we’ll protect these little guys, because … why? I gather the answer to that
question is we’re doing “deals.” I’m fine with deals.
But I have some questions, both for Trump and his various
fans: Why the double standard? Which double standard? you ask. Well, all
the double standards.
Let’s start with the obvious: Why is our military
alliance with Europe or our security guarantees for Japan, Australia, etc.,
proof that we’re getting “ripped
off,”
but our security guarantees for Saudi Arabia and Qatar (or at least for their
royal families) are awesome?
Why is a military alliance that has never compelled us to
fight for Europe but that did compel Europe to fight for us (after 9/11)
considered an entangling alliance we don’t need, but an entangling alliance in
the Middle East is suddenly such a good thing? I mean, I could have sworn J.D.
Vance and that crowd wanted us to be less involved in the Middle East. I mean
Vance says,
“It’s not good for Europe to be the permanent security vassal of the United
States.” Okay, but why is it good for the Saudis? Or us?
Here’s a question for the various ethno-nationalist
types. You know, the ones who really like to lean into the fact that America is
a white, Christian, or European nation with a distinct white, Christian, or
European culture—particularly the dudes who loved Trump’s first foray
into banning Muslims and his newfound
sympathies for refugees if they’re white people from South Africa. Why are you
okay with this? Seriously. What good is it having a nativist nationalist
superhero as president if he can be bought with a plane and some ass-kissing?
Canada vs. Saudi Arabia.
I’m sure you can come up with more questions along these
lines. But let’s try to bring this thing—again, not my plane—in for a landing.
One answer to these and related questions is the same as
it was for FDR: oil. The Gulf states sell oil, a lot of it. But they don’t sell
that much to us. You know who does? Canada—you know that Western, mostly
Christian, mostly European, mostly English-speaking, entirely democratic,
peaceful neighbor to the north? You know the one that is so much like us that
the president wants to make it part of America? Right. That one.
Trump treats that country like crap. He fawns on
Arab Muslim despots—some
with a long track record of funding terrorists—but heaps ridicule and scorn
on our northern neighbors. (Note: I’m not trying to sound racist, anti-Arab, or
anti-Islamic by harping on this stuff. I’m just trying to get the attention of
those looking the other way.)
Well, we buy 10 times more
oil from Canada than from Saudi Arabia. Canada has been selling us more oil
than the Saudis since 2004. Even better, it sells us oil at a discount because
of our integrated infrastructure. As I first learned
from Dominic Pino in National Review, if you took our oil imports
out of the equation, we’d have a trade surplus with Canada. Then again, we had
a trade surplus with the U.K. and Trump still thought they were playing us for
suckers.
It’s kind of funny. Canada is one of our oldest and most
reliable allies. It’s literally a neighbor. The geopolitical and national
security risks and costs of importing oil from Canada are as close to zero as
possible. No need to worry about Iranians or Iranian proxies bombing the supply
lines. The need to protect Canada hasn’t pulled us into any “forever wars.” Our
petrodollars haven’t funded any Canadian madrasas or provided slush funds for
Canuck terrorists. And yet Trump says
of Canada, “We don’t need their oil and gas.” Heck, he says
over and over that we don’t need anything from Canada—except all of
Canada as a state.
But when it comes to Saudi Arabia, everything is on the
table because we’re making deals, man.
Which brings me to the new oil: Deals! Trump loves
deals. Again, that’s fine. He exaggerates the topline numbers and ridiculously
takes press releases as firm commitments. But whatevs, man, he’s making it rain
Benjamins on America. It’s the direct investment in America from Saudi Arabia,
Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, etc., that justifies our anti-forever war
president giving his personal assurance we’ll protect our friends in Quagmire
Land, right?
Okay, except you know who invests far, far, far more in
America than the Saudis and all their neighbors combined? Canada
and Europe.
And that’s the sticky wicket. That investment is the
product of what came before Trump. He likes deals he can take credit
for. Deals that were made before he showed up have to be stupid because
everyone in charge before him was stupid.
And that’s at least one of the real reasons he prefers
undemocratic, authoritarian countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar. He can make
deals with a handshake and take all the credit. Deals between democracies take
time, involve legislators and lawyers, and even voters. Who’s got time for all
of that noise? Not Donald Trump and not
just when it comes to trade deals.
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