By Jeffrey Blehar
Wednesday, May 21, 2025
Seemingly everyone in journalistic America read and wrote
about the new book Original Sin, by CNN’s Jake Tapper and Axios’s
Alex Thompson, over the weekend — except me. After waiting impatiently for a
copy to arrive in the mail — it is apparently being delivered by snails riding
sloths — I instead got a copy from my local brick-and-mortar bookseller earlier
this morning.
You probably do not need to have the book introduced to
you at this point, but if so: Thompson and Tapper purport to pull back the
curtain on a four-year-long conspiracy by Joe Biden’s administration,
specifically his “Politburo” of family members and personal aides, to deceive
the American public about the state of his failing health. It is quite the
page-turner of a tale. The details mount relentlessly over time, and the
authors center the story around the web of deceit woven by Joe and Jill Biden’s
closest aides. (National Review’s Audrey Fahlberg succeeded in getting
her “advance copy” in actual advance and wrote an excellent summary herself.)
I plan to discuss the most interesting revelations from
the book in a later piece, and there are many minor but revealing ones,
notwithstanding the headline-grabbing blockbusters you’ve already read about
(e.g., the plans to put Biden in a wheelchair). To name one that is being less
discussed in current media coverage, Tapper and Thompson give a depressing
account of the remarkable “reality distortion field” the Biden family erected
around itself, superstitiously believing that to even speak bad news aloud within
the close circle of trusted family was to violate a sacred taboo.
But that can wait, if for no other reason than that most
NR readers knew about Biden’s condition years ago. None of this comes as a
surprise to us, or quite likely to you. (For example: Here I am a week before the 2024 presidential debate with a
warning that could have been issued by a Greek oracle.) In fact, at the end of
last year — after the flaming wreckage of the 2024 campaign had finally been
extinguished — I wrote this piece, which might as well have served as an advanced
promotional campaign for Original Sin. In it, I said:
In spring 2021 — that is to say,
only a month or two after Biden took office — our commander in chief was
already having “good days” and “bad days.” I want to say that again: Already,
at the beginning of his presidency, Joe Biden was showing visible signs of
major mental decline. All of this was concealed from the world. And this man ran
for reelection.
. . . I have provisionally
concluded that, despite all the various financial scandals, crony corruption,
authoritarian overreach, and third-rate burglaries in American politics, this
is the biggest scandal the presidency has ever seen, because it runs to the
core of what the presidency is supposed to be. For practically his entire term,
Joe Biden has been, if not non compos mentis — on a rare “good day” —
then at least severely mentally diminished or periodically incapacitated. At no
point during his time in office has he been fit for the presidency.
. . . There is no getting around
the revolting fact that we have been subjected to four years of a farcical
semi-presidency, one whose drift is now so easily explained by the simple fact
that Biden was little better than a front for an unelected committee of “top
men” who sent us careening from one international and domestic disaster to
another. We now discover that Biden was all along a mere shell of a president,
a babbling Lear whose shameful dotage was kept in more carefully guarded
secrecy.
So forgive me when I say that I didn’t even need to read Original
Sin in order to agree with its thesis; it has long been my own. I also
think that — given the new revelations about Biden’s longstanding and
potentially hidden cancer diagnosis — it is an inarguable thesis as well.
But it is also incomplete. For as much detail as Original
Sin offers about the machinations within the Biden White House, the one
aspect of the conspiracy surrounding Joe Biden’s health that it fails to
adequately address (beyond scattered mentions in the author’s note and
elsewhere) is the media’s role in facilitating the conspiracy for four years.
(We also fail to hear any of Biden’s younger and theoretically more ambitious
cabinet members account for themselves on the record in any of these recent
books – what did Pete Buttigieg or Gina Raimondo know and when did they know
it? – but I’m less concerned about this because I assume all of these people’s
political careers are over in any event.)
For now, we know two things to be certain: (1) Joe Biden
was already mentally unfit for office even as he was seeking the presidency in
2019–2020, his condition worsened quickly from there, and his four years in
office were a “front” for a small team of close aides who effectively ran the
U.S. government, using him as a figurehead; (2) the mainstream media, with a
few notable exceptions (such as Alex Thompson) either colluded or acquiesced in
all of this right up until the moment Biden collapsed at the debate, displaying
not only a stunning incuriosity about Biden’s increasingly vegetative
comportment, but also gleefully attacking anyone who expressed doubt about his
mental acuity.
So the real questions, the questions that reporters like
Tapper and Thompson, or Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes, are actually best
situated to answer, are left largely unaddressed: Why did the American media,
in the aggregate, forsake its investigative duties? We are informed in these
books about the Biden administration’s many efforts to deceive, spin, or bully
national political journalists, yes; we are told little about why those
journalists acquiesced so easily and at times enthusiastically. Were they
really that easily fooled, when all the rest of us in America — theoretically
less well-informed than they — were not?
I have already ventured to answer those questions myself,
and at length. On the same day I wrote the column excerpted above, I also wrote this:
What the hell happened to the
mainstream media during this entire period? . . .
I have an appealingly simple theory
to explain the mystery: They didn’t miss it at all. Everyone knew, and the
sorts of people who would have normally pursued these whispers about Biden’s
remoteness — obvious enough from his calendar and the behavior of his public
minders — simply decided not to because it was not in the best interests of the
Democratic Party to do so, at least as perceived by the “herd mind” of the
media, the left-tinged blob of assignment editors, investigative reporters, and
liberal commentators across Washington.
Do you know how I know this? I know
this because back in 2019, when Joe Biden seemed for all the world like a
hopelessly boring retread with no chance of winning the 2020 nomination — when
Pete Buttigieg, Elizabeth Warren, and Bernie Sanders were thought to be the
main competitors for the Democratic prize — the New York Times was more
than happy to report about Biden’s age. Once he captured the nomination and
went into a quasi-hibernative “basement campaign” (timed perfectly to conceal
his weakening state), however, that was it for any investigations into that
topic.
I know this because in the fall of
2022, during that brief window when it looked like Biden might decide to pass
the torch instead of running again, the window to discuss Biden’s age was once
again open for the Washington Post: “Biden, turning 80,
faces renewed age questions as he weighs reelection.” Once Biden chose to run
for a second term — a moment of world-historical hubris — the subject went back
into storage, verboten in polite commentary of real reporting.
I know this because the pressure to
not venture the topic was immense, and I saw it come from within the media, not
just from the Biden administration. . . .
The media want to tell us that they
didn’t know? If they didn’t know, then why were they so eager to raise the
subject when it seemed possible to prevent Joe Biden from winning the
nomination, or discourage him from running again, but curiously not afterward?
Why then such servile eagerness to act as Karine Jean-Pierre’s water boys near
the end of the entire debacle. . . . In fact, what better proof do we need of
the media’s purely instrumental interest in Biden’s mental disintegration than
the fact that once it became impossible to conceal after the debate, they
flooded the zone with coverage to push Biden out of the race, but once he was
gone promptly never discussed him again? . . .
If the media chose not to explore
Biden’s mental decline because of partisan allegiance to the Democrats or
dislike of Trump, then they have forfeited their credibility in a devastatingly
permanent way. In that case, they would have willingly participated in what I
consider to be the single worst scandal in presidential history: a mentally
incapacitated president concealed from the public and controlled by his
advisers. If they have not done this — if they truly were taken by surprise —
then we are in little better a position: We are cursed with the most useless
media class in the world, a mass of despairingly hopeless incompetents who
failed in the most important duty they were ever asked to perform in their
jobs. I am not sure which verdict they would prefer.
I reprint at length here the accusations I made back in
December 2024 for the simple reason that none of them have been satisfactorily
answered yet. The blow-by-blow story of how Joe Biden’s loss of mental and
physical faculty was concealed by his administration is an important one, but
it is one whose broad outlines America already knows, because here in the real
world we never shut our eyes and ears to Biden’s visible decline in the first place. This cover-up seems to have come as a
revelation only to the very media types now breathlessly reporting on it. And
that story — how the media could possibly have been intimidated, snookered, or
persuaded to go along, or how they enthusiastically went along — is the story
that has not been properly told. Those are the questions that have not
yet been answered, the names that I fear will never be named.
Perhaps it’s unfair to expect people like Tapper or
Thompson to answer that question, at least in a way that isn’t either
self-exculpatory or professionally self-annihilating. That job belongs to us,
here on the outside. The mainstream media cannot heal itself from within, not
composed as it is of institutions where politics dictate personnel, and
personnel is policy. The world of television and print journalism adheres — now
more than ever, as its public relevance and financial viability are threatened
— to lockstep progressive politics and a medieval guild mentality. Speaking out
against guild practice from inside of it is tantamount to violating Mafia
omertà. (Just ask former NPR business editor Uri Berliner about that.)
Biden’s grand fraud can be aptly described as an
“original sin.” If a slew of polling is anything to go by, however, the
American public also has not forgiven the media for their sins. After four
years spent hurling every imaginable accusation at Donald Trump — Russiagate
most obviously of all — the media spent the next four remaining decorously
silent about the visible decay of Joe Biden. One need not engage in reckless
speculation to suspect why a media so eager to tangle with Trump rolled over
meekly, purred, and showed its belly to a new Democratic administration.
Given that many of those most eager to criticize the
media’s failures propose merely to replace them with their own brand of
partisan hackery, I don’t know whether national trust in the media will ever be
restored. For the past 20 years, I watched those cords of trust fray, one tiny
braid after another pulling itself apart while the center still held, until
with the Biden cover-up, the coil snapped and unraveled with such finality that
it seems as if most journalists haven’t yet realized they’re now untethered to
the American populace. Biden’s decision to run for reelection — to run for the
presidency in the first place — was a sin, to be sure. But to label it the
“original sin” is to tell only half the story. That treats the media — which
abandoned their position of public trust every bit as much as the White House
did — as if they were Biden’s victims, as opposed to his enablers.
There are two original sins here.
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