By Rich Lowry
Tuesday, May 20, 2025
It was never going to be easy for President Trump to bring an end to the Ukraine war, but
it’s even harder when he’s operating under an erroneous theory of the conflict.
The man who instigated the war and who is the chief
obstacle to peace is Vladimir Putin. Yet, this enemy of the West, murderer of
dissidents, and serial perpetrator of wars of territorial aggrandizement has
never been subjected to the same U.S. pressure campaign as Ukrainian President
Volodymyr Zelensky, whose fundamental offense is to be leading a country that
his larger neighbor wants to subjugate.
After a much-anticipated phone call with Putin on Monday,
Trump sounded optimistic and said Ukraine and Russia will keep negotiating,
although there was no indication of anything new.
After the browbeating he took in the Oval Office a few
months ago and a pause in U.S. intelligence assistance, Zelensky got the
message. He’s done everything possible to portray himself as the reasonable one
who’s interested in pursuing a deal.
A U.S.-proposed general cease-fire? Zelensky has said
he’s willing to accept it. Russia’s idea for direct talks in Istanbul? Zelensky
said he’d go himself.
He signed a critical minerals deal with the U.S.
Putin, in contrast, has been at the receiving end of an
all-carrots approach, and has reacted accordingly.
One of Trump’s advantages on the world stage is that he
can make use of the “mad man theory,” the idea that he’s so unpredictable and
potentially extreme that it’s best not to displease him. Against type, Trump
has been less the mad man with Putin than the therapist who speaks in dulcet
tones, is understanding to a fault, and is determinedly nonjudgmental.
Pretty much whatever Putin does, Trump says someone else
would do the same in his circumstances. Putin could nuke Warsaw, and Trump
might observe, “Well, it’s a shame and I hope he doesn’t do it again.”
Trump almost never strikes a pleading tone, but when
Putin launched large-scale strikes on Kyiv last month, Trump posted on Truth
Social, “Vladimir, STOP!”
The play for the Kremlin is obvious here. It wants to
keep inching ahead with territorial gains and, if it continues to string along
negotiations, has to hope that Trump tires of the whole thing and cuts off U.S.
aid to Ukraine. That would reward Putin’s intransigence with an important
diplomatic victory — a split between the U.S. and Europe — and a chance to make
major advances against an increasingly hard-pressed Ukraine.
Trump at times seems to realize this and has referred to
Putin’s “tapping me along.” But the master at establishing leverage in
negotiations has failed to do so over Putin. In part, this is because the
president has absorbed his MAGA base’s view that Putin isn’t really the problem
— the Russian leader was baited into war by globalists who took insufficient
account of Russia’s interests and feelings.
Whatever one thinks of the policy of NATO expansion,
Ukraine didn’t invade Russia, and Putin’s opposition to Ukraine’s existence as
its own independently governed nation is at the root of the war.
So long as Putin believes that he’s winning and holds
“all of the cards,” there’s no reason for him to become more pliable. Trump and
other administration officials have floated further economic measures against
Russia, but these would probably be of limited utility. If the administration
stipulated that if Putin doesn’t drop his maximalist demands — basically for a
Ukraine that can’t defend itself — it will back Ukraine to the hilt, that might
change his calculations.
Russia’s gains have come at a hideous cost — nearly a
million Russian casualties since the start of the war. If Ukraine isn’t going
to buckle and the U.S. isn’t going to abandon her, then the Russians could
reach a point of exhaustion.
Short of that, Putin has every reason to think he can
persevere when the world’s superpower has little sympathy for the victim of his
unprovoked aggression.
No comments:
Post a Comment