National Review Online
Wednesday, September 09, 2026
Anew report from the Center for Immigration Studies
suggests that the foreign-born population of the United States is down 2.9
million over the first 18 months of the Trump administration, and from this we
can estimate that the population of illegal immigrants has fallen 2.3 million —
from 15.8 million to 13.5 million. If these numbers extrapolated from the
Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey withstand further scrutiny, the
significance of this development is difficult to overstate. This would be the first
time America’s net migration numbers have been negative — more immigrants
leaving than coming in — since the 1930s.
Proponents of mass immigration have often argued that the
movement of people across borders is practically unstoppable. Proponents of amnesty have argued
that policy cannot remove illegal immigrants who have already arrived here, and
that attempts to enforce the law backfire and bring about
even more immigration.
It’s important to understand that these are not direct
numbers for deportations or immigration. The Current Population Survey is not
designed to measure immigrants and migration. But it does capture data from
which researchers can make solid inferences over time. New lawful permanent
residents and other new arrivals add to the foreign-born population each month.
Deaths of foreign-born people living in America subtract from it. There is also
a regular flow of foreign-born people who return to their home countries or
travel to new ones.
The data from this survey captured the massive surge of
the foreign-born population under former President Joe Biden, when the
foreign-born population increased by 8.32 million in just four years, the
fastest four-year increase of any period in American history. The CIS report
notes that “the clear upward trend followed by a dramatic downward trend does
track well with changes in the nation’s immigration policies, from a highly
permissive approach to immigration during the Biden administration to the more
restrictive policies during the second Trump administration.” Over the past 18
months, by this account, Latin American noncitizens who arrived in 1980 or
later account for all of the decrease in this population.
Not all of it, not by a long shot, is the result of
interior enforcement. The best data we have suggest that 350,000 people were
subject to some kind of enforcement act that led to their departure from the
country in this 18-month time period. This enforcement pattern created
incentives for others to leave voluntarily. Researchers Steven Camarota and
Karen Zeigler write, “Based on the data available, interior removals and
voluntary departures could not by themselves account for the higher levels of
emigration implied by the CPS. Voluntary emigration would have to have
increased substantially for the foreign-born population to decline this much.”
Overall, the numbers point to one overall conclusion — that “the number of
people settling in the country legally and illegally has fallen significantly,
while the number leaving has increased dramatically.”
The survey suggests that only 44 percent of the net
decline is among workers. This lines up with the administration’s hands-off
approach to the workplace. The Trump administration has practically exempted
entire sectors, including hospitality, agriculture, and construction, from
examination, allowing those sectors to continue to be labor gray zones, where
illegal labor is tolerated, and increasingly a cultural and economic norm
institutionally.
What can we conclude? The first is that President Trump
has followed through dramatically on his promise to control immigration after a
period of lawlessness and chaos under Biden. For this he should be commended.
Second, the president and the Department of Homeland Security should step up
workplace enforcement. The Republican Party has a proud tradition of fighting
for a nation in which workers compete fairly on the same legal standing. Tight
labor markets at the bottom end of the skills distribution raise the wages of
poorer workers and spur innovation. Not every immigration enforcement action
has to be a dramatic, GoPro-filmed kinetic action. Much of it involves carrying
a briefcase and checking documentation.
Finally, and most important, these numbers refute the
arguments of those who try to mystify the issue by portraying immigration as an
uncontrollable feature of market economics or the process of globalization.
Immigration can be controlled by policy and profoundly shaped by enforcement
decisions. Self-deportation is a real phenomenon, and actions that increase
voluntary compliance with our just laws should be redoubled. Commonsense
enforcement is neither ruinously expensive nor injurious to the broader economy.
The president is winning on this issue and should double down on his success.
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