By Jeffrey Blehar
Tuesday, September 01, 2026
A suggestion that I write a new weekly column kicked
things off two years ago. Every Tuesday since — rain or shine, without so much
as a pause for vacation — the Carnival has been rolling into town, reliably
teeming with the worst of our political life. And business has been undeniably
good for us, as circumstances have conspired to make the tenor of American
politics ever more ridiculous, futile, and deranged. In my inaugural column (where I described myself as NR’s
“resident bedraggled cynic”), I explained the new, emergent political spirit
sweeping over America, independent of party or ideology:
I’m referring . . . to the new
political zeitgeist, the sense of carnivalesque viral-video-driven
meaninglessness that has infected all campaigns and guides the
publicity-seeking behavior of Congress’s most visible (and risible) members
like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and the Squad, Matt Gaetz, Nancy Mace, Marjorie
Taylor Greene, and others. It’s a substanceless grist of talk rather than
action, fed into a 24-hour news mill and spat out into a media ecosystem with
such quickfire rapidity that responding to all of it is impossible, and a
general sense of “LOL nothing matters” sinks in among political observers of an
older generation.
Two years on, three of the four politicians I named in
that paragraph are gone, and I have grown only more bedraggled and cynical.
(Just think: in late August 2024 we were stuck with an aging, corrupt, erratic
president in danger of blowing the November elections for his party — and here
we are again!) But the tone has been set from the top since January 30, 2025:
it was the realization that Trump, out of both calculation and personal
inclination, was committed to governing by whim and public distraction, all while
privileging his own obsessions (including prosecuting his enemies) over
America’s needs, that sank me into a morass of despair. (Trump’s naked venality
and viciousness, already well in evidence, will only intensify after the
November midterms render him a legislative lame duck. What cares Donald Trump
for decency?)
I guess I’ll let Frank Darabont summarize it perfectly
for me: I’m tired, boss. Matters have not improved at all in
Trump’s second term. In fact, Trump’s legacy will be to not have one
domestically, as his executive orders will be immediately undone by the next
Democratic administration, while unspeakable damage to the United States’
geopolitical position and moral standing will not be undone. Meanwhile,
the sands in the hourglass slip away as we fail to address our unanswerable
long-term obligations. Our national debt continues to spiral; the Social
Security Trust Fund will go bankrupt in seven years.
All the while, Nero fiddles as Rome burns, and what’s
worse, he invites us all to dance along to his rancid tune so that we might
forget. I doubt it will work. But I’ll be here, grimly plugging away
regardless. It would be a sin — a failure of loyalty, even — to abandon one’s
duty station at a moment of crisis like this. In fact, all of this only makes
me feel closer to my readers. I guess it’s those little
things that keep us together, while the war’s going on.
About That Venezuelan Oil Windfall . . .
Speaking of America’s recent foreign policy adventures,
Donald Trump this weekend announced “THE BIGGEST OIL DEAL IN WORLD HISTORY!”
Per Truth Social:
At my direction, Secretary of
State Marco Rubio, and Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, working closely with
Highly Respected Interim President of Venezuela, Delcy Rodriguez, and, through
a partnership with private business, have secured majority U.S. control of more
than 65 BILLION BARRELS of proven Oil Reserves in Venezuela, at no cost to the
American Taxpayer. This Historic Transaction MORE THAN DOUBLES American Oil
Reserves, greatly increases our Oil Supply, and will substantially lower Gas
Prices for all Americans, long into the future, while helping to continue to
set Venezuela on a course toward Tremendous Success and Great Prosperity. This
Transaction will greatly strengthen the already growing relationship between
Venezuela and the United States! Thank you for your attention to this
groundbreaking matter. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN! President DONALD J. TRUMP
Let’s face it, this is a deal negotiated at gunpoint with
a regime that remains happily authoritarian; María Corina Machado must
feel great about having forfeited her Nobel Peace Prize to Donald Trump’s ego. But, while there is much to say
about the deal’s hinkiness, I’m not about to label it highway robbery. Few
these days seem to remember that Venezuela first nationalized its oil sector
back in 1976, simply seizing decades
of American and European infrastructural investment. Then, in 1990, the
country yielded to the reality that it was nowhere as good as Western companies
at extracting and refining extra-heavy, sour crude into usable form, and let in
ExxonMobil, ConocoPhillips, and Chevron (among other major players) to
modernize its infrastructural capabilities.
But in 1999, Hugo Chávez became president and immediately
began to assert state control over the industry, eventually nationalizing it again
in 2007 (he demanded between 70 percent and 83 percent shares in every
company’s profits, and once again seized all local infrastructure). Chevron and
BP both decided to tolerate being made super-minority owners and yielded all
operational control to Chávez; ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips simply exited the
market.
So on that level, I don’t mind that we’re getting our
investment back. But even setting aside the politically grubby optics of this
entire deal — in yet another alarmingly statist economic move, the U.S. is
taking a 35 percent stake in the newly formed Blue Energy Partners, which means
the government is now competing directly with Exxon or Shell — it’s not going
to have any sort of immediate effect at the pump.
The kind of oil lying underneath the Orinoco Belt needs
to be heavily processed before it is usable, and Venezuela’s most crippling
immediate problem is that it no longer has either the local expertise or much
infrastructural capacity to even get it out of the ground at scale, let alone
process it. What was industry-standard technology in 1999–2001 (the point when
oil companies immediately began to scale back upkeep and investment on their
machines, because they knew full well where Chávez was eventually headed) is
rusted-out, creaky junk by 2026.
And now? It will take years and billions of investment to
properly get the oil flowing and bring the nation’s industry up to speed . . .
which makes it an enormous risk for whoever holds the concession. The oil
industry in Venezuela has already been nationalized twice. What makes anyone so
confident it won’t happen a third time? This arrangement, which severely
disadvantages Venezuelans and is liable to inspire intense populist backlash, will undoubtedly be contested in
future years, perhaps by another Chavista type. And when that happens, Trump
will no longer be in office to threaten another kidnapping raid. Do you expect
President Newsom or President Harris to send in Delta Force?
That the U.S. would want a piece of the Western
Hemisphere’s largest proven oil reserves needs no explanation, especially in a
world where Iran threatens to plug (or at least congest) the Strait of Hormuz.
But this deal will take a long time to pay off, and once it begins to, it will
be immediately up for renegotiation by a regime that hasn’t even been replaced.
Trump is a gambler, and this is another wager.
Abdul El-Sayed Just Can’t Quit Hasan Piker
A brief note on the least entertaining buddy comedy of
the 2026 election: Arrogant Abdul El-Sayed is beginning to lose his cool on the
campaign trail after fielding repeated demands to dissociate himself from his
brother-in-arms Handsome Hasan Piker. El-Sayed, the Democrat running for the
Senate, has been flailing more generally in recent weeks, notably by flippantly
comparing sex-change surgery on minors to circumcision, but he has
begun to evince real resentment at being constantly asked about Piker.
Too bad. Piker, a self-described “internet
chad,” is a proud Maoist and vicious bigot. He was last seen hideously
warning Jews that open support for Israel destines them to become targets of
violence, then pretending he meant this as a benevolent plea: stop supporting
the Jewish state or else. He has been El-Sayed’s single highest-profile
booster nationally, in a race currently notable for the Democratic candidate’s
lack of support from Michigan Democrats. Representative Debbie Dingell is the
biggest local name to speak on El-Sayed’s behalf or campaign for him so far;
Governor Gretchen Whitmer, Senator Gary Peters, and former pols like Debbie
Stabenow have kept their distance.
So perhaps that’s why the one man El-Sayed refuses to distance himself from is Piker, to whom he seems
attached at the hip. Per Axios, El-Sayed met with Jewish Democrats and
apologized (unconvincingly) for his repellent “hurt people hurt people” quote
from March, written in defense of a Lebanese-American man’s attack on a
Detroit-area synagogue. But he refused to ditch Piker, who campaigned with him
on many occasions. El-Sayed feels that he owes his primary victory to the guy:
Asked repeatedly by reporters
Saturday about Piker, El-Sayed wouldn’t engage. “If you want to make this race
about a streamer in California, I just think you’re missing the boat,” he said.
He later said he was “not interested in a conversation about a social media
person in California.”
I still fear that El-Sayed is favored to win — the wages of Trumpism will be heavy indeed come November — though the longer El-Sayed spends refusing to cut bait on Piker, the more he makes a narrow loss a real possibility. El-Sayed’s most motivated progressive voters may praise him for his loyalty to Piker. Many others, however, will begin to ask themselves why the candidate is willing to go to bat for a man with such obviously vile views (Piker has a long record of repellent statements) and simply conclude that it’s because he quietly shares them.
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