By Marian L. Tupy
Sunday, June 28, 2026
The novelist Tom Wolfe gave us the phrase in a 1987 essay
about the hippies of Haight-Ashbury, who decided that hygiene, monogamy, and
other rules of polite society were bourgeois inventions. They threw them out,
moved into communes, and were visited by afflictions that modern medicine had
not seen in generations. Doctors at the free clinics started teaching
sanitation lessons that Victorian housewives once took for granted. Wolfe
called that the Great Relearning: Civilization that discards its hard-won knowledge
does not leap ahead to utopia but is dragged back to the starting line.
We are living through a Great Relearning of our own.
When the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, a set of propositions
seemed settled beyond dispute. Central planning had impoverished half of Europe
while markets enriched the other half. Prices were not arbitrary impositions
but signals carrying more information than any ministry could gather. The right
to own a business, to keep the fruits of one’s labor, and to trade freely
across borders had lifted more human beings out of poverty than every charity
in history combined. They were the conclusions of an experiment run across a
continent, with a control group on either side of a barbed wire line.
A generation later, those conclusions have been
forgotten. Voters in wealthy democracies, and the young above all, are electing
self-described democratic socialists who promise to repeal economics by decree.
In New York, a democratic socialist won the mayoralty in November on a platform
of frozen rents, city-owned grocery stores, and an expropriation of someone
else’s wealth. The voters in Washington, D.C., are all but certain to elect a similar candidate. The 20th-century socialists
buried hecatombs of corpses. Yet it is the intellectual corpse of socialism
that is being revived.
What are the lessons that the voters have forgotten? Free
trade is desirable because it lets Vietnamese seamstresses and Iowa farmers
prosper by doing what they do best, while protection taxes a nation’s own
citizens for the privilege of buying less. Rent control is ruinous because a
price pinned below the market ensures that fewer apartments are built and
maintained. Public ownership of factories fails, because the managers risk no
money of their own and answer to no customer free to walk away. A municipal
grocery cannot serve you, because a shop that is forbidden to fail has no
reason to stock what you want. Confiscatory taxes defeat themselves, because
capital, unlike the wage earner, has feet. Chronic deficits and the inflation
they summon are cruelest of all, for they levy a tax that no legislature ever
votes on and that the poor can least afford to dodge.
None of that should surprise us. We are not blank slates
onto which empirical argument permanently writes. We are the descendants of
small bands of chimpanzees who survived by raiding neighbors and dividing a
fixed supply of meat. The zero-sum intuition that one man’s gain must be
another’s loss is older than agriculture and far older than Adam Smith. Markets
are recent and counterintuitive. Human nature does not change, and so the case
for liberty must be made afresh in every classroom of every generation.
Which is precisely where the chain has broken. When you
stop teaching a lesson, you guarantee its repetition. In 2024, the Foundation
for Individual Rights and Expression found that on college faculties, the far
left outnumbers the far right by 16 to 1. Self-described Marxists and socialists now
outnumber self-described conservatives on the American faculty. In fields like
history and sociology, a conservative voice has become a near-mythical
creature. A student may pass four years hearing the case for markets only as a
caricature to be refuted. The post–Cold War cohort was never taught why the
Wall fell and is now relearning it the slow way.
The dearth of academics and public intellectuals willing
or able to defend sound economics is also wreaking havoc on the right,
aggravated by a president whose populist “solutions,” including tariffs and
nationalization of shares in publicly traded companies, permit no commitment to
principles or long-term thinking. Ronald Reagan, Donald Trump’s opposite,
thought differently. Freedom, he warned in 1961, is never more than one
generation from extinction. It must be fought for to be passed on.
My hope is modest: that the young will relearn the
affordable lessons before they reach the final, expensive one. Friedrich Hayek
explained it in 1944: Socialism, whether implemented by the left or the right,
is unstable, because when its promises collide with arithmetic, a government
must choose between abandoning the program and abandoning the voters who
object. The choice may not be as obvious to those in power as it should be.
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