By John Fund
Sunday, June 21, 2026
In recent months, members of the Democratic Socialists of
America have been elected as mayors in New York City, Seattle, and, last week,
Washington D.C. This November, DSA member Nithya Raman will face incumbent
Karen Bass in the Los Angeles mayoral election.
CNN data analyst Harry Enten notes that
the DSA has a net favorability rating of +17 among Democrats, compared with
just +4 for congressional Democrats. “They’re a better brand at this point than
Democrats in Congress,” he marvels.
Two DSA members are running in Tuesday’s Democratic
primaries for congressional seats in New York City, and a former member, ex–New
York City Comptroller Brad Lander, is running in another, third district. Mayor
Zohran Mamdani has endorsed all three of these candidates, even though two of
them are running against Democratic House incumbents. He told a Brooklyn rally last Thursday that the Democratic
Party has been “managing decline instead of delivering material change for
working people.” Responding to questions about whether Representative
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a DSA member, should run for higher office, Mamdani
said: “When does the [presidential] race for 2028 begin? It starts now. It
starts on Tuesday.” Should the DSA prevail in this week’s elections, its army
of foot soldiers will prove to be one of the most powerful forces in Democratic
primaries, capable of intimidating Democratic officeholders into backing many
of the DSA’s socialist schemes.
In the Manhattan Institute’s City Journal, Stu
Smith reports that the DSA is “trying to construct a nationwide
security apparatus to support its expanding role in street protests and
direct-action organizing,” the so-called Red Rabbits Security Commission. The
formation of this “community defense” subgroup has come in spite of several
internal warnings that “a street-level security force geared toward disruption,
confrontation, and resistance to law enforcement” isn’t compatible with the IRS
requirement that the DSA must, per its nonprofit status, primarily “further the
common good.”
There’s ample evidence of the DSA’s radicalism. Earlier this month, its leadership issued an
updated platform that calls for abolishing the U.S. Senate, defunding the
Pentagon, offering universal amnesty to illegal immigrants, transferring the
ownership of major corporations to the public, and replacing “the President and
Supreme Court with an executive and judiciary chosen by and subordinate to
Congress.” It also includes a demand that police budgets be cut “annually to
zero.” Sarah Milner, a member of the DSA’s Reform & Revolution caucus, justified
the platform by pointing out that President Woodrow Wilson once called for
drastically amending the Constitution. She said the DSA’s proposed changes
would advance “a vision of transforming the functions of the American state to
allow for the implementation of socialism.” Taken as a whole, the platform
enthusiastically embraces illiberal values, which former New York Times columnist
Pamela Paul has called “the most troubling characteristic of contemporary
progressivism.”
The irony is that all this is antithetical to the group’s
origins. The DSA was founded in 1982 with the goal of working within the
Democratic Party for social change. Its chairman, from its formation until his
death in 1989, was Michael Harrington, the social critic who criticized
American capitalism but intended to keep the DSA a patriotic institution.
That’s no longer the case. Last month, for example, the
DSA issued a statement against “U.S. imperialism,” claiming that “the
U.S. has committed over 800 terrorist attacks against Cuba with hundreds more
having occurred against officials and commercial operations outside the
country.” The diatribe ended with the words “Long live the Cuban Revolution.”
Meanwhile, the National Assembly of People’s Power, Cuba’s supreme institution,
just passed a sweeping set of reforms that may set the island on
the path to free markets. In Cuba itself, the “revolution” is on life support.
To the DSA in the U.S., it remains an inspiration.
Clearly, the DSA is reinventing itself in an uglier form.
Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso, who is running for Congress against
DSA member Claire Valdez, warns that the group has turned into a “machine,” with
Mayor Mamdani as its “boss.” Basil Smikle, former executive director of the New
York State Democratic Party, told Politico that the DSA is indeed on its
way to becoming a full-fledged political machine. The most notorious among such
outfits was Tammany Hall, which dominated New York City politics for decades
before the Civil War and into the 1930s and was known for its authoritarian
bent and corruption. In 1905, one of its leaders, George Washington Plunkitt, described his approach as the pursuit of “honest graft.” He
boasted, “I seen my opportunities and I took ’em.”
In their drive to become a modern Tammany Hall — one with
nationwide reach — the Democratic Socialists of America have taken advantage of
the opportunities they’ve been handed by the failure of liberals to govern
America’s cities effectively or efficiently. Republicans have also dismally
failed to promote their own solutions to urban problems. The result is that
socialism, which had never really taken root in America, is now in danger of
becoming the secular religion of many voters — especially disillusioned young
people.
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