By Yair Rosenberg
Tuesday, March 17, 2026
When Joe Kent, the director of the National
Counterterrorism Center, resigned today in protest of the Iran war, he blamed
everyone except the person who launched it. In his resignation letter,
addressed to President Trump, Kent portrays the president as a passive figure
manipulated by others—“high-ranking Israeli officials” and “influential members
of the American media”—rather than the most powerful person imposing his will
upon the world. Again and again, Kent casts Trump, a two-term president, as someone
swept up in events rather than driving them.
“I support the values and the foreign policies that you
campaigned on in 2016, 2020, 2024, which you enacted in your first term,” Kent writes.
“Until June of 2025, you understood that the wars in the Middle East were a
trap that robbed America of the precious lives of our patriots and depleted the
wealth and prosperity of our nation.” The alleged shift, Kent claims, was due
to an Israeli and media-driven “misinformation campaign that wholly undermined
your America First platform” and “was used to deceive you.”
Setting aside its potentially anti-Semitic undertones,
this argument fails on the facts. In reality, Trump telegraphed his bellicose
intentions toward Iran for decades, and once in office, he escalated conflict
with the country at every opportunity. In 1980, during the Iran hostage crisis,
Trump agreed
with a TV interviewer that “we should have gone in there with troops,” and said
that doing so would make America “an oil-rich nation.” In 1987, The New York
Times reported
that Trump had told a New Hampshire audience that “the United States should
attack Iran and seize some of its oil fields in retaliation for what he called
Iran’s bullying of America.” In 1988, Trump told
a Guardian interviewer that if he were a political leader, he’d be
“harsh on Iran,” and declared: “One bullet shot at one of our men or ships and
I’d do a number on Kharg Island,” the country’s oil-export hub. (The United
States bombed
Kharg Island last weekend, and a contingent of Marines is now heading to the
region, potentially to occupy
it.) “While everyone is waiting and prepared for us to attack Syria,” Trump
tweeted in
2013, “maybe we should knock the hell out of Iran and their nuclear
capabilities?”
When Trump assumed the presidency in 2017, he quickly
went to work putting his Iran impulses into action. He tore up the Obama
administration’s nuclear deal in 2018 and assassinated Qassem Soleimani, a
notorious leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, in 2020. After
returning to power in 2024, Trump picked up where he left off, bombing Iran’s
nuclear facilities last year and finally this year launching the current war on
the regime after directing the largest U.S. military buildup in the region since
Iraq.
Far from a deviation from Trumpism, the president’s Iran
war is his ideology given final form. And Trump’s most fervent supporters seem
to agree. A CNN average
of recent polls found that 89 percent of MAGA Republicans approve of
military action in Iran, compared with just 9 percent who disapprove. Kent
conjured a vision of an anti-war president who never existed, while claiming to
speak for an anti-war, “America First” base that is not
in evidence, to blame external actors for an entirely predictable domestic
political decision.
It is hard to believe that Kent, a decorated former Green
Beret, was genuinely unaware of all of this when he chose to serve the
president. But long before he assumed his now-abandoned post, Kent gravitated
toward conspiratorial explanations of events. He alleged that
the 2020 election was “rigged and stolen,” and that the FBI helped engineer
the January 6, 2021, riot at the Capitol—and he stood
by those claims in his Senate confirmation hearing.
Kent has also been partial to anti-Jewish ideologues. In
2022, he primaried and defeated Jaime Herrera Beutler, one of the few
Republicans who voted to impeach Trump, before losing in the general election,
but not before paying a member of the Proud Boys as a consultant. According to
the Associated
Press, Kent had “sought support from figures associated with the white
nationalist ‘Groyper Army’ movement led by Nick Fuentes” during his campaign,
then disavowed such an interest when the contacts became public. Kent later
appeared at a fundraiser with a far-right commentator who had claimed that
Hitler was a “complicated” and “misunderstood” figure, and whom the campaign
also subsequently disavowed.
Kent’s resignation letter reflects this worldview—and its
fundamental flaws. In it, he blames Israel not just for somehow suborning Trump
into war in Iran but also for being behind the Iraq War. The president, Kent
writes, has fallen prey to “the same tactic the Israelis used to draw us into
the disastrous Iraq war.” The historical record, however, suggests the
opposite. “The Israelis were telling us Iraq is not the enemy—Iran is the
enemy,” Lawrence Wilkerson, the chief of staff for Secretary of State Colin
Powell and a vituperative
Israel critic, told
the anti-war reporter Gareth Porter in 2007. The Israeli journalist Nadav Eyal
has recounted being told by
then–Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in 2002 that Washington was set on fighting
“the wrong war.” (Trump, meanwhile, initially supported
the Iraq invasion.)
In his letter, Kent also blames Israel for the death of
his first wife, a Navy cryptologist, writing that she was killed “in a war
manufactured by Israel.” But Shannon Kent was not killed in Iran or Iraq. She
was killed
by the Islamic State in Syria during the Trump administration’s campaign
against the group—which Kent praises elsewhere in the same letter.
None of these claims makes much sense from a logical or
factual perspective. But they are perfectly coherent as part of the long
tradition of conspiratorial anti-Semitism, which blames groups
of Jews for being behind the world’s problems. The
Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a Russian forgery considered the most
influential anti-Semitic work of all time, purports to record Jewish schemers
plotting to profit by keeping the world in a state of perpetual war. The Hamas
charter, which cites The Protocols, similarly blames Jews for the
French Revolution, the Russian Revolution, World War I, and World War II.
Like Kent’s letter, these works do not represent reality
but rather an attempt to impose an ideology on reality. They pin crimes on a
preconceived perpetrator. This fallacy is precisely the reason that
movements—and countries—overtaken by anti-Semitism inevitably unravel.
Societies that adopt conspiratorial explanations for political, social, and
economic problems lose the ability to rationally redress them. “Why did the
stock market crash?” is a good question. So is “Why did the U.S. invade Iraq?”
But a person who blames a financial meltdown on the Jews or spends their time
chasing phantom Israeli culprits instead of a war’s actual American instigators
will never understand the calamities in question and will fail to prevent
future ones.
Anti-Semitic explanations of events rob people of their
agency and prevent them from acting effectively to improve their circumstances.
Seen from this vantage point, Joe Kent is a cautionary tale. He advocated for
and worked for a president who then launched a war that he ardently opposed,
because he fundamentally misunderstood the world he lived in.
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