By John Gustavsson
Thursday, March 06,
2025
The last few weeks have made it abundantly clear that the
Trump administration is turning away not just from Ukraine but the European
continent. Vice President J.D. Vance told
leaders at the Munich Security Conference that they should prepare to “step
up in a big way” to handle their own security, Ukraine was
excluded from U.S.-Russian negotiations to end the war, and the U.S. refused
to vote for a European-backed U.N. resolution that condemned Russia’s
invasion of Ukraine and called for Russia to withdraw its forces. And that was
before the entire world witnessed Vance and President Donald Trump bicker
openly with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office, accusing
him of “gambling with the lives of millions of people.”
To say that this has sent shock waves across Europe would
be an understatement. What might surprise the Trump administration is the
reaction not just from liberal European powers but backlash from populist
leaders such as Nigel
Farage, who said the spat would “make Putin feel like the winner” and added
that Ukraine needed security guarantees. Jimmie Åkesson, leader of the national
conservative Sweden Democrats, criticized Trump directly, calling his behavior
“very serious” and reiterating that the Sweden Democrats would support Ukraine
for however long it takes. Giorgia
Meloni, the only European leader to attend Trump’s inauguration, also
expressed concern, calling for a new summit including the U.S., Europe, and
Ukraine and saying
any division only benefited those who wish to weaken the West. Marine Le Pen,
leader of the far-right National Rally in France, on Tuesday called
the U.S. suspension of military aid “cruel” and “inhuman.” A meeting last
weekend that included the leaders of more than a dozen European leaders, as
well as representatives from Turkey and Canada, made
clear that support for Ukraine would continue with or without the United
States. What most Americans don’t realize, however, is that Europe can
and will make the United States regret the Trump administration’s actions.
The global financial crisis of 2008, which originated in
the United States, prompted speculation that European countries might
“decouple” from the U.S. economy. But the U.S. staged a relatively strong
recovery and adopted regulatory reforms aimed at preventing a repeat. Yet the
current political instability could cause such a decoupling in the form of a
trade war. While the EU would suffer, so would the U.S. and its manufacturing
industries, such as aerospace and automobiles, that export significant quantities
to Europe. The agricultural and energy sectors would also see serious losses,
for the same reason.
While it is true that America imports more from the EU
than it exports, its exports are still significant: The EU and U.K. account for
22 percent of American exports. A few weeks ago it seemed plausible that the
U.S. might be able to take advantage of the U.K.’s free trade agreement with
the EU to play them against one another: The U.S. could apply tariffs on
imports from the EU while avoiding them on exports to the EU by directing them
through the U.K.
Don’t count on that happening now. No country in Western
Europe is as strongly pro-Ukraine as the U.K. It began to aid Ukraine
immediately after the occupation of Crimea in 2014, efforts that ramped up in
the months preceding the invasion in 2022. Without these efforts, it’s possible
that Ukraine might have been overrun in the early days of the war. A February
YouGov poll
indicated that British voters, by a more than 2-to-1 margin, would prefer the
U.K. support Ukraine than that it maintain good relations with the U.S. That
was before the Oval Office blowup, for which 67 percent of Britons blamed Trump and 7
percent blamed Zelensky.
Vance’s statement that EU nations should prepare to
shoulder more of their own defense could indeed goad them into building up
their militaries, but that could turn that into a Pyrrhic victory. European
members of NATO import vast quantities of arms and defense technologies from
the U.S. While NATO members are not formally required to buy American, the U.S.
exports
more than $300 billion worth of arms and defense technologies each year,
most of it to Europe and other NATO countries. European defense companies have
been left languishing as a result. If and when Europe remilitarizes, it only
makes sense for them to revitalize their own industries. The European
Commission has already announced that it will
seek to boost its own defense industry at the expense of the U.S., which
has proven itself far too erratic and disloyal to be relied on for such a
critical need.
Internally, within Europe, the main effect will be a
strengthening of the European Union. We’ve already seen this in the London
meeting with Zelensky and the leaders of 18 European countries this past
weekend, from which British Prime Minister Keir Starmer declared that a
“coalition of the willing” would continue to support Ukraine. By abandoning
Europe and befriending Vladimir Putin, Trump has sent the message that “America
first” actually means “Europe last.”
Among eurofederalists, whose goal is to turn the EU into
a “United States of Europe,” a common European military has long topped their
political wish list. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and
French President Emmanuel Macron have expressed
support for the idea several times over the past decade. But it has never
gained widespread support, and has always been strongly opposed by the Eastern
European members of the Union. NATO already exists, opponents have argued, with
most EU states as members, so why should the EU form its own military
coalition?
With NATO faltering, this argument no longer holds up.
Nervous Eastern European nations, unable to turn to the U.S. and too small to
hold their own against Russia, will now have to turn to Brussels for
protection. These are the same countries that have not only opposed the
formation of a European army, but have also been the bulwark against all kinds
of power transfers, helping to safeguard the sovereignty of the member states.
If they have to rely on the EU for defense, they will never be able to stand up
to the Union’s overreaches. The path to a centralized union will be wide open.
How does this concern the U.S? Since the end of World War
II, the U.S. dollar has been the undisputed global reserve currency. This has
always been much to the chagrin of European leaders, forced to trade in
American dollars even in commodities they don’t buy from the U.S. With the
dollar as global reserve currency, in any transaction, the non-American party
carries nearly all of the currency risk. In any transaction that is denominated
in dollars, which is over
half of all global trade, a non-U.S. buyer risks the dollar strengthening
relative to their own currency, making the purchase more expensive. Likewise, a
non-U.S. seller forced to denominate the sale in U.S. dollars risks the dollar
weakening relative to their own currency, which would mean they get paid less
than they expected.
Present and past European leaders including Macron,
president of the European Central Bank Christine
Lagarde, and former European Commission President Jean-Claude
Juncker have all expressed their hope that the euro will one day be able to
knock the dollar down from its dominant position.
While the euro might not be able to fully replace
the dollar as a reserve currency, a multipolar currency system is not
implausible. Since the Eurozone crisis, which started in 2009 and dogged the
union for over half a decade, the EU has worked to “fix” the euro by granting
itself greater power over member states’ fiscal policies.
What would this mean for the U.S.? First, and most
importantly for U.S. consumers, it would mean higher borrowing costs. The
dollar’s status as reserve currency creates an artificial demand for U.S.
Treasury notes, allowing the U.S. to borrow money at rates that are far lower
than any similarly indebted country could ever dream of. Higher federal
borrowing costs subsequently trickle down into higher mortgage rates for
ordinary American households, and higher rates for businesses, reducing
investment.
The U.S. is already on an unsustainable fiscal path,
especially without entitlement
reform. Without reserve currency status, the U.S. will have even less time
to fix its problems as borrowing costs skyrocket. Tax hikes are all but
inevitable in that scenario.
Furthermore, the U.S.’s ability to contain hostile
nations such as Iran through sanctions instead of warfare would be drastically
reduced without the dollar’s reserve currency status. Many transactions that do
not even involve U.S. parties still clear through U.S. banks, ensuring U.S.
sanctions are effective even when levied against countries the U.S. does little
to no trading with.
Up until now, beyond eurofederalist think tanks and
policymakers, there has been little public appetite for rocking the boat and
attempting a serious challenge against the dollar’s dominance. Trump’s antics
are changing this.
Donald Trump has claimed that the U.S. has provided more
funding for Ukraine than Europe collectively has, but that’s not
true. European nations have also suffered through even higher inflation
than the U.S. due in no small part to having to replace relatively cheap
Russian fuel imports (especially natural gas) with other options as the EU and
U.K. took drastic measures to cut off the Russian economy. The U.S., which
never had much trade with Russia, did not have to make this sacrifice.
When Donald Trump justifies his pulling of support for
Ukraine by arguing that Europe can’t expect the United States to carry the full
load, he is adding insult to injury. The U.S. has claimed the role of leader of
the free world for the past 80 years. If America is unable to continue to
provide leadership, Europe will have to turn inward and focus on trying to
claim the leadership mantle for itself. Whether it succeeds or not, Europe and
the United States both will be worse off. To quote one of my favorite fictional
villains, Ramsay Bolton: “If you think this has a happy ending, you have not
been paying attention.”
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