By John Bolton
Tuesday, March 11, 2025
Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky is “a
dictator without elections,” with only a 4 percent approval rating. The war
in Ukraine is “madness”
and “senseless.” Although it is true that Russia is currently “pounding” Ukraine,
“probably anyone in that position would be doing that right now.” Kyiv is “more
difficult, frankly, to deal with” than Moscow.
This Russian propaganda could be easily dismissed, were
it not being verbalized by President Donald Trump. I was Trump’s national
security adviser from 2018 to 2019; I know that his view on Putin has remained
constant for years. In saying recently that dealing with Putin is easier than
with Zelensky and that Putin would
be “more generous than he has to be,” Trump has simply reprised the
sentiments of his first term. In July 2018, when leaving the White House for a
NATO summit (where he almost withdrew America from the alliance), then later
appointments with Prime Minister Theresa May in England and Putin in Finland
(where he seemed to back Putin over U.S. intelligence), Trump said
that his meeting with Putin “may be the easiest of them all. Who would think?”
Obviously, only Trump.
But now he has turned U.S. policy on the Russo-Ukraine
war 180 degrees. Instead of aiding a victimized country with enormous
agricultural, mineral, and industrial resources in the heart of Europe,
bordering on key NATO allies, a region whose stability and prosperity have been
vital to American national security for eight decades, Trump now sides with the
invader. Ukrainians are fighting and dying for their freedom and independence,
as near neighbors such as Poland’s Lech Walesa fully
appreciate. For most Americans, “freedom” and “independence” resonate, but
not for Trump.
He has gone well beyond rhetoric. In a nationally
televised display, he clashed with Zelensky face-to-face in the Oval Office,
ironically a very Wilsonian act: open covenants openly destroyed. Trump
suspended U.S. military aid to Ukraine, including vital intelligence, to make
Zelensky bend his knee. Even when Trump “threatened” Russia with sanctions and
tariffs, the threat was hollow. Russia is already evading a broad array of
poorly enforced sanctions, and could evade more. On tariffs, U.S. imports from
Russia in 2024 were a mere $3 billion, down almost 90 percent from 2021’s
level, before Russia’s invasion, and trivial
compared with $4.1 trillion in total 2024 imports.
The Kremlin is delighted. Former President Dmitry
Medvedev wrote on X: “If you’d
told me just three months ago that these were the words of the US president, I
would have laughed out loud.”
This is serious, and may be fatal for both Kyiv and NATO.
Trump has sought for years to debilitate or destroy the alliance. He doesn’t
like it; he doesn’t understand it; he frowns on its Brussels headquarters
building; and, worst of all, it was deeply involved in not only Ukraine but
Afghanistan, which he didn’t like either. Trump may ultimately want to withdraw
from NATO, but in the near term, he can do serious-enough damage simply to
render the alliance unworkable. Recent reports that Trump is considering
defending only those NATO allies meeting the agreed defense-spending targets
mirrors prior suggestions from his aides. This approach is devastating
for the alliance.
What explains Trump’s approach to Ukraine and disdain for
NATO? Trump does not have a philosophy or a national-security grand strategy.
He does not do “policy” as Washington understands that term. His approach is
personal, transactional, ad hoc, episodic, centering on one question: What
benefits Donald Trump? In international affairs, Trump has suggested repeatedly
that if he has good personal relations with a foreign head of state, then
America ought to have good relations with that country. While personal
relations have their place, hard men such as Putin, Xi Jinping, and Kim Jong Un
are not distracted by emotions. Trump thinks that Putin is his friend. Putin
sees Trump as an easy mark, pliable and manipulable.
Trump says he trusts that Putin wants peace and will
honor his commitments, despite massive contrary evidence. Notwithstanding
considerable efforts, Zelensky has never escaped the “perfect” phone call
precipitating Trump’s first impeachment. Of course, that call turned on Trump’s
now-familiar extortionist threat to withhold security assistance to Ukraine if
Zelensky did not produce Hillary Clinton’s server and investigate other
supposed anti-Trump activity in Ukraine aimed at thwarting his 2016 and 2020
presidential campaigns.
The entirely personal nature of Trump’s approach also
manifests itself domestically. Trump is now reversing what Joe Biden did in
Ukraine, just as in his first term, he reflexively reversed Barack Obama. Trump
derided Obama for not providing lethal military assistance to Ukraine, so he
did just that, sending missiles and more.
Ronald Reagan knew how to handle nations that might
commit unprovoked aggression against U.S. interests. Trump clearly does not.
This does not reflect differences in strategy, which Trump lacks. Instead, it’s
another Trump reversal, this time of The Godfather’s famous line: It’s
not business; it’s strictly personal.
No comments:
Post a Comment