By Mark Antonio Wright
Friday, February 07, 2025
Donald Trump’s proposal that the United States should
take an “ownership position” in the Gaza Strip and take point on rebuilding the
war-torn enclave into the “Riviera of the Middle East” resulted in jaws
dropping on four continents.
But, as the editors wrote yesterday, “To put it plainly, the plan
is not going to happen. While some [Gazans] might be open to leaving for
greener pastures, plenty of Palestinians view Gaza as their home, and those
supportive of terrorism aren’t ready to abandon the dream of using it as a base
to destroy Israel.”
Yes, Trump’s real-estate development instincts are
certainly notable for how far they depart from the foreign-policy bureaucracy’s
fixations on moribund ideas such as the “two-state solution,” and they might
get the chattering classes talking, but despite the attention-grabbing
headlines, the significantly more notable aspect of the Netanyahu-Trump
meetings this week was the discussion on how the United States would weigh in
over the these next months on the upcoming phases of the cease-fire deal that was
negotiated in January:
While it is still unclear whether
Trump will exert pressure on Netanyahu to agree to future phases of the
cease-fire deal with Hamas that could eventually bring home all the hostages
and end the war, at least in a joint press conference with Netanyahu, Trump was
noncommittal. Netanyahu outlined three Israeli goals for any final deal:
“destroy Hamas’s military and governing capabilities, secure the release of all
of our hostages, and ensure that Gaza never again poses a threat to Israel.”
Trump did nothing to undercut him and said he was unsure if future phases of
the deal would get secured.
The key point for Americans, and Israelis, to come to
grips with is that Israel’s work in Gaza is not yet finished, because Hamas has
not been destroyed.
NBC News’s Mithil Aggarwal reported last week that, in the
days after the cease-fire, “Hamas fighters stood on the Gaza boundary [with
Israel] once considered crucial for keeping them at bay”:
Eight heavily armed men, wearing
seemingly spotless military uniforms and Hamas’ distinctive green headbands,
stood atop concrete blocks at the Netzarim corridor on Monday, welcoming the
tens of thousands of Gazans returning to what remained of their homes in the
north. With their AK-47s strapped to their vests and their faces covered, the
fighters took selfies, shook hands and handed water to passers-by.
Witnessed and recorded by an NBC
News crew in Gaza, the fighters’ presence at a crossing deemed vital for
keeping Hamas from going into the north of Gaza raises big questions about one
of Israel’s stated objectives in launching the war: eliminate the militant
group behind the worst terrorist attack in Israeli history.
Later the crew captured footage of
Hussein Fayyad Abu Hamza, a senior Hamas commander previously declared dead by
Israel, inspecting citizens in the northern city of Beit Hanoun.
The New York Times’s Adam Rasgon and Iyad Abuheweila reported, “The morning the
cease-fire in Gaza went into effect, masked members of Hamas’s military wing
drove through the streets of Gaza in clean, white pickups, carrying Hamas flags
and automatic rifles”:
“They came out of hiding in a snap
of a finger,” said Mohammed, 24, who requested his last name be withheld to
avoid possible retribution from Hamas. “We had no idea where these people were
during the war.”
Later on the first day of the
cease-fire, dozens of Hamas militants turned up at Saraya Square in Gaza City
to hand over three hostages to the Red Cross for release to Israel, the first
of 33 to be freed as part of the deal. The appearance of the militants didn’t
suggest they were on their last legs: They appeared to be wearing clean
uniforms, in good shape and driving decent cars.
Despite a year and a half of war, despite killing
thousands of Hamas fighters in battle, despite the elimination of Yahya Sinwar,
and despite the huge costs to Israel, its economy, and the pressure on its
people and its army (heavily made up of reservists), Hamas is still standing,
and still fighting.
All it took for the terrorists to emerge from their
blasted out tunnels and to reestablish control over the miserable people of
Gaza was the IDF agreeing to temporarily take the pressure off.
During the long wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, critics of
the U.S. war effort often argued that we should bring an end to these “wars of
choice.” Politicians campaigning for office promised to “end the wars and bring
the troops home.” Whatever the wisdom — or shortsightedness — of those
promises, it was at least true that allowing the Taliban to win in Afghanistan
or acquiescing to the jihadist insurgency coming to power in Iraq might be
deleterious to American interests, but it wasn’t an existential threat. A
victorious Taliban might allow the reestablishment of a safe haven for
terrorists on their territory, so the argument went, but the Taliban wasn’t
going to sail up the Potomac and overthrow the American government. Iraqi
insurgents weren’t going to invade California.
Israel has no such luxury.
If Israel, on its own or under diplomatic pressure from
the U.S. government, chooses to quit the war prematurely and accept successive
cease-fire phases without utterly destroying Hamas, it will be acquiescing to
the reconstitution of Hamas’s military power. Indeed, as the reports out of
Gaza attest, that reconstitution is already underway.
On October 7, 2023, the Israeli people declared that they
had two war aims: the destruction of Hamas and the rescue of their people taken
hostage.
But the goal of destroying Hamas was never mere revenge.
In order to secure their own safety and to prevent another October 7, Israel
understood that it could no longer tolerate living cheek by jowl with a
terrorist state. Periodically “mowing the lawn” was no longer an option. Joe
Biden and Antony Blinken, of course, clearly did not agree: From almost the
very beginning, the Biden administration pushed for different variations of a
cease-fire proposal, always with the singular focus of stopping the war and
freeing the hostages.
It’s understandable that both the Israeli people, and the
new American administration, would want peace and quiet in the Middle East, and
the end to the killing and the dying. But Trump rightly promised a clean break
with the failed Biden-era foreign policy worldwide. There’s no reason he should
embrace this one component of Biden’s litany of failure.
A cease-fire with Hamas that allows the reconstitution of
its power and the reestablishment of its regime will guarantee one thing only:
another war, more terrorist attacks, another October 7 down the road. Israel
still has work to do in Gaza. The Trump administration should ensure that the
United States is ready to help — until the job is done.
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