National Review Online
Thursday, February 20, 2025
Predictably enough, the Ukrainian government has objected to its exclusion from the
peace talks Trump administration officials held with their Russian counterparts
this week in Riyadh and, for its trouble, is getting slammed by what is
supposed to be its ally, the United States.
In breathtaking remarks to reporters, President Trump
poured contempt on Ukraine for its frustration. “But today I heard, ‘Oh, well,
we weren’t invited.’ Well, you’ve been there for three years,” Trump said of Russia’s second invasion of Ukraine. “You
should’ve ended it in three years. You should have never started it. You could
have made a deal.”
Uh, Ukraine didn’t fire Russian missiles at itself or
direct a Russian armed column at its own capital in 2022. There’s moral
equivalence, and then there’s a total moral inversion.
When Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky pushed back,
Trump came back at him harder, calling him a “Dictator without Elections”
who “probably wants to keep the ‘gravy train’ going.”
Ukraine is indeed under martial law at the moment because
(see above) it’s been invaded by a hostile power and there’s a war on. You
don’t need to portray Ukraine as a shining city on a hill to acknowledge that
it is much more committed to democracy and the rule of law than is Russia,
whose malign autocratic leader Trump never thinks to call “a dictator.”
Needless to say, Ukraine is not the problem here. As far
as the Kremlin is concerned, its sins are its existence as a sovereign state
with a national identity distinct from Russia’s, and its failure to roll over
and accept its assigned role as a defenseless satellite state of Mother Russia.
That a large, partially Russian-speaking neighbor was
embracing democracy only compounded its offense in the eyes of the Kremlin,
which worried about a potentially dangerous example for its own people.
And so, Ukraine has been twice invaded by a Russia eager
to grab its territory and resources and bring it to heel. Since 2014, Ukraine
has been subjected to a level of violence and criminality that reflects
Russia’s utter contempt for the laws of armed conflict.
The anti-Ukraine influencers and advisers in Trump’s ear
contend that Ukraine antagonized Russia by seeking to join the Atlantic
Alliance. In reality, Russia’s efforts to destabilize Ukraine began with the
January 2005 “Orange Revolution,” in which pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko (who
had been “mysteriously” poisoned with dioxin during the campaign) captured the
presidency.
By 2010, Yushchenko was replaced by the “non-aligned”
(read: pro-Putin) Viktor Yanukovych. But Yanukovych’s efforts to placate the
Kremlin soon ran afoul of Ukraine’s parliament. In late 2013, he unilaterally
abrogated a deal passed by the Ukrainian Rada that would have established free
trade and travel relations with the European Union. Yanukovych’s maneuver
ignited protests that culminated in the Maidan Revolution, in which over 100
civilians were killed by security forces before Yanukovych fled to exile in
Russia.
It was Ukraine’s integration with the European Union, not
NATO, that inflamed Moscow, and it was the ouster of their puppet in Kyiv that
occasioned the first invasion of Crimea and the Donbas in early 2014.
The fact that Russia failed in its subsequent attempt to
swallow Ukraine whole in 2022 is a testament both to the determination of the
country’s defenders as well as Moscow’s atrophied military and dated tactics.
But Moscow’s adventurism still poses a real threat to U.S. security and that of
its treaty-bound allies on NATO’s frontiers.
It is certainly true, as we noted the other day, that Ukraine isn’t going to get
all of its territory back or join NATO. Acknowledging this is cold-eyed
realism; humiliating and undercutting an ally, perhaps with worse to come in
the form of a sweetheart deal for Moscow, is not.
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