National Review Online
Tuesday, February 11, 2025
Edmund Burke said, “Example is the school of mankind, and
they will learn at no other.” Be that as it may for mankind, it doesn’t seem to
apply to Donald Trump and steel tariffs.
It’s probably best to understand steel tariffs as
something Trump believes in for their own sake. He imposed them during his
first term, so it’s not a mystery what they do. They raise prices for American
steel buyers and raise profits for American steel makers.
The U.S. International Trade Commission studied Trump’s first-term steel and aluminum tariffs and found that
they raised U.S. production of those metals by $2.25 billion. They raised the
price of imported steel and allowed domestic steel makers to charge higher
prices in the absence of competition. That reduced U.S. production in
industries that consume steel by $3.48 billion.
This result is perfectly consistent with economic theory.
The tariffs took money from a variety of industries and gave it to the steel
companies, while lighting some money on fire along the way. Dispersed costs,
concentrated benefits, and deadweight loss combined to make the country as a
whole a little worse off.
The president’s insistence on wanting a manufacturing
renewal should mean he wouldn’t want to raise the price of steel, a
manufacturing input. But he simply thinks steel tariffs are the right thing to
do. It’s a reflex.
Trump’s first-term trade representative, Robert
Lighthizer, had made a fortune lobbying for steel companies between his stints
in government. His trade representative this time around, Jamieson Greer, is a
Lighthizer protégé and worked for the same law firm that lobbied for steel
companies. While it’s instinct for Trump, it’s classic revolving-door politics
for his staff.
Tariffs rebound in unexpected ways, and steel is no
exception. Last time around, U.S. distillers paid the price in addition to
steel buyers. European countries retaliated against the steel tariffs by
targeting U.S. whiskey, and sales have still not recovered.
No, there’s not a national security justification for
steel tariffs. The military uses between 1 and 3 percent of U.S. domestic steel
production, so tariffs on steel from every country to protect all of it don’t
make sense for defense purposes. Most imported steel is from allied countries,
with Canada the top source. Chinese imports are negligible.
The last time the military urgently needed steel, it
relied on allies rather than domestic industry. William Greenwalt, former
deputy undersecretary of defense for industrial policy — not a position held by
free-market ideologues — has told the story of the MRAP program, where the
military needed specialty steel to produce vehicles resistant to IEDs in the
Middle East.
“One would have thought that an industry so heavily
invested in its relations with the US government and reliant on protectionist
measures for decades would have jumped at the opportunity to show its
patriotism and protect American servicemembers from being blown up by roadside
bombs,” he wrote for Breaking Defense in
March 2024.
Instead, Greenwalt found the industry uncooperative and
procured most of the necessary steel from producers in Sweden, Germany, Israel,
and Australia. “When DoD urgently needed more steel, the US industry basically
told Uncle Sam to pound sand,” Greenwalt wrote. “Our allies then bent over
backwards to help us, when our own industry would not.”
It’s not just the military. U.S. companies begged the
government for exemptions to the steel tariffs last time around because they
simply could not get the steel they needed from U.S. producers.
For example, food-equipment manufacturers need
special food-safe steel for their products. They tried to buy it from U.S.
steelmakers and either could not obtain it or could obtain it only at high
prices or on a delayed schedule. “The fact that they have been late on
EVERYTHING just makes this whole scenario worse,” a steel service center trying
to purchase for a food-equipment manufacturer said.
When the food-equipment manufacturers complained to the
government about it, steelmakers countered that they did have the capacity to
deliver the steel that they weren’t delivering, so the government should not
grant the exemption request. There were tens of thousands of similar exemption
requests from countless industries, illustrating that American businesses pay
the price for these tariffs, not foreigners.
One of the advantages of getting a second term in the
Oval Office should be learning from mistakes in the first term. On steel
tariffs, Trump refuses to do so.
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