By Noah Rothman
Monday, April 07, 2025
Hundreds of thousands of Americans turned out on Saturday
to participate in more than 1,200 protests organized by over 150 activist
groups to protest the Trump administration. It was the first moment of the
second Trump administration in which the Republican Party’s opposition achieved
something approximating the scope and potency it enjoyed during the first Trump
administration. Growing apprehension over the president’s global trade war might
have augmented the protesters’ numbers. Indeed, as the New York Times put it, the demonstrations were an
exercise in outreach to the “newly alarmed.”
The “newly alarmed” who persuaded themselves to give the
revivified “resistance” a shot might have been just as unnerved by the
alternative to Trumpian chaos. In Washington,
D.C., demonstrators unfurled a massive Palestinian flag and were treated to
hectoring lectures about the evils of the Israeli government, which probably
seemed quite beside the point to those whose apprehension over their 401(k)
piqued their curiosity. The guillotine — now a universal symbol of the
politically unhinged, irrespective of partisan affiliation — made
an appearance. Fans of the UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson’s alleged
murderer and his lunatic cause took
the opportunity to demonstrate where their political sympathies lie.
Protests attract all sorts, some of whom are clearly out
of sorts. In the mainstream press, though, the protests were treated as an
anodyne expression of Trump critics’ apprehension, and that’s not an unfair
overall characterization. The demonstrations were eccentric but generally
unremarkable. And even according to their own participants, attendance was
primarily composed of the usual suspects.
“I’m a generic white guy, so they aren’t coming for me,”
one middle-aged Chicagoan told Times reporters. “There’s a lot of my friends who are
Jewish, trans, in the military or sick, and they’re not doing OK. It’s OK for
me to stand out here, so I should for the ones who are afraid.” That’s a happy
gloss to lacquer over the observation that the diversity you champion was not
in evidence at your diversity rally.
In all, it was a nostalgic recreation of the aesthetics
and passions that typified the earliest iterations of the anti-Trump street
action that erupted in early 2017. Indeed, a general lack of creativity has characterized the Democratic Party’s
approach to navigating the second Trump era from its outset. Even the
monumental disruptions to the global economy that Trump is busily engineering
haven’t produced much rhetorical innovation. As Senate Minority Leader Chuck
Schumer wrote amid the worldwide market meltdown that is erasing investment
gains across the board, “And the rich get richer.” In fact, everyone is getting
poorer, but Schumer is neither nimble nor imaginative enough to conceive of a
talking point that shifts away from the rhetoric of class warfare — even as
Trump’s defenders appeal to the same rhetoric in defense of the
president’s actions.
There are two ways to look at this. The first, which
might comfort discombobulated Republicans, is that the opposition is still on
the backfoot. Democrats and their allies remain committed to the old ways of
doing things because they have given up on reinventing themselves to meet the
challenges that they created for themselves in the Biden years. Maybe that will
dampen their appeal to the “newly alarmed.”
The second approach is less reassuring. Perhaps Democrats
and their progressive proxies in the streets don’t have to be innovative
campaigners to regain power. Maybe voters will sour on Republican governance to
such an extent that they will restore Democrats to authority without a course
correction. Maybe the protesters and their allies will get another shot at
power in their present, unreconstructed form not because they’ve earned it but
because Republicans blew theirs.
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