By Rich Lowry
Tuesday, April 15, 2025
Judging by the results, the United States should be the
last country that wants to reorder the world economy.
We’ve thrived in recent decades, while other advanced
democracies have fallen behind.
If we’ve gotten “ripped off” as President Trump and
supporters of the trade war like to say, the supposed thieves have gained
little and the purported victim has continued to march ahead. That doesn’t mean
that we shouldn’t seek to change unfair trade practices and seek more
independence from Chinese supply chains. Yet, it’s foolish to disrupt
willy-nilly a system that has us at the apex, and getting stronger rather than
weaker.
We’ve been outpacing the rest of the advanced world since
the early 1990s. As The Economist magazine noted in a cover story last
year, “In 1990 America accounted for about two-fifths of the overall GDP of the
G7 group of advanced countries; today it is up to about half.” We roughly
doubled the gap in our per-person output over Europe and Japan across those
decades.
Since 2020, we have grown three times as fast as the G7.
Overall, whereas we were 21 percent of global GDP in 2012, now we are 26
percent — right about where we were in 1980.
Our labor productivity has skyrocketed compared to other
developed economies, and we spend more on R&D as a percentage of GDP than
any other country except South Korea and Israel.
Countries that had allegedly figured out a powerful
mercantilist alternative to our free market have stagnated. Germany was once
hailed as a model of industrial policy; its GDP hasn’t grown since 2019, and
manufacturing has declined for years.
Japan was once the object of fear and envy for its
industrial policy; it’s been a low-growth economy for more than three decades
now.
Canada, too, was considered an alternative model, but its
national income per capita was 80 percent of ours not too long ago and is now
about 70 percent.
Rather than overtaking the U.S. in GDP, meanwhile, China
has ceded ground in recent years, and its output per person isn’t even a third
of ours.
According to The Economist, “Average wages in
America’s poorest state, Mississippi, are higher than the averages in Britain,
Canada and Germany.”
Hasn’t our manufacturing sector been devastated?
As the Financial Times notes, our manufacturing
output has actually increased since 1990. We are employing fewer people and
making different, higher-end goods than we did before — more tech and
aerospace, less shoes and textiles.
The paper notes that the U.S. is the best in the world in
terms of manufacturing output per worker. As we have lost jobs in manufacturing
(5 million since 1990), we’ve picked them up in services (nearly 12 million)
and in transportation and logistics (more than 3 million).
The aim of the Trump tariffs is to increase employment in
one sector of the economy at the expense of the rest of the economy, which is
inherently a bad deal. The sweep of the tariffs means that they are poorly
designed to achieve even this particular goal, since the price of steel,
aluminum, and other inputs that manufacturers use will go up. One estimate is
that Trump’s first-term steel and aluminum tariffs resulted in roughly 75,000
fewer manufacturing jobs for this very reason.
The normal impulse is to want to change the rules in the
middle of the game when you are losing, not when you are winning.
Economic shock therapy is what failing countries attempt,
whether Russia under Boris Yeltsin, former Eastern Bloc countries, or Bolivia
in the 1980s. Here, Trump is using a defibrillator on a patient who not only
passed a stress test with flying colors but is beating everyone else in the
100-yard dash.
Trump has talked about accepting “a little disturbance”
with his new tariff regime. The danger is that we will simply have less
economic growth than we would have had otherwise, since the president isn’t
rescuing an economic basket case, but reengineering what’s been a winning
formula.
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