By Christian Schneider
Thursday, April 24, 2025
The Democratic Party of old was like a farmers’ market: a
place where a bunch of people with wildly different interests came together in
a spirit of cautious cooperation. Union workers, environmentalists, feminists,
professors, animal rights activists, civil rights leaders, and Hollywood
glitterati could all coexist under one big political tent. It was almost like
if you majored in progressivism, you had to minor in one of its sub-ideologies.
These disparate Democrats didn’t necessarily like one
another, but they tolerated the strangeness of the coalition because it won
elections. Everyone knew that the path to power meant compromise, so you
ignored some of the more pungent aromas at the produce stands next to yours.
But that was before social media made it impossible to
ignore anyone.
It’s Democrats who pay the price. Today, one public
school teacher with a TikTok account, green hair, and a septum piercing can
hijack a political movement. Six college students with a bullhorn and a drum
can become the face of a party they don’t even belong to. Ragtag speakers at a
climate rally demanding the end of capitalism become stand-ins for every
Democrat running for office in a red or purple district.
In the social media era, the Democratic coalition’s
balancing act has tipped hard toward the loudest and most ideologically rigid
participants. Republicans, meanwhile, have figured out how to use this to their
advantage. They don’t have to paint all Democrats as radical; they just
have to show the country what the very visible radicals are saying, kick back,
and let the algorithm do the rest.
Consider the average voter in a swing state. Maybe people
in that category aren’t deeply engaged in politics. Perhaps they’re just trying
to keep up with their mortgage, their kids’ playdates, and what’s happening on The
White Lotus. And then they log on to Facebook and see a viral video of a
progressive activist shouting down a speaker for not using the proper pronouns.
Or they see their liberal neighbors lionizing a telegenic young man who shot a
health insurance executive in the back, depriving his two sons of a father. To
those voters, this is now what the Democratic Party stands for. Not jobs, not
health care, not education, but fringe cultural obsessions that alienate more
people than they attract.
Worse, social media doesn’t just project the fringe
voices outward, it gives these voices leverage to shame and silence moderates
within their own coalition. The purists don’t want to persuade; they want to
punish. Suppose you’re a moderate Democrat who dares to suggest a middle-ground
position on anything from gender to policing. You might find yourself the
victim of a cancel mob from your own side before the other party even gets
involved. The result is a feedback loop of political self-harm.
You could see this dynamic at work recently when Michigan
Governor Gretchen Whitmer, a likely 2028 Democratic presidential candidate,
attended a White House meeting with President Donald Trump. A bit of bipartisan
cooperation to benefit her state was the goal, but Whitmer found herself in
what might be called a compromising position — standing in the Oval Office,
with press cameras at the ready. She did everything she could to downplay her
presence, at one point even obscuring her face in a photo. In today’s Democratic Party,
being seen as working with a Republican, and especially Trump — even for the
good of your state — can get you labeled a sellout by your allies. The
incentives are completely backward.
Meanwhile those with the most viral appeal accrue real
power. In previous political eras, someone like Democratic Representative
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez might have served as an energetic backbencher,
important to her local district but not a national leader. Today, thanks to her
savvy social media presence, she’s drawing big crowds around the country and is
even considered a potential presidential front-runner.
Despite AOC’s having the worst approval rating of any Democratic politician measured
by a February Gallup poll, the overly online left actually believes that the
tonic for the losses of Hillary Clinton and Kamala Harris in the past decade is
to run an even less qualified candidate who is significantly further to the
left. This is like making a drunk driver do a couple of extra shots of Wild
Turkey to calm his nerves.
Then there’s the elevation of mouthy neophyte David Hogg
to vice chairman of the national Democratic Party. The name of the top dog at
the DNC is about as well known as the shortstop of the Binghamton Rumble Ponies
minor league baseball team. But Hogg, a survivor of the 2018 Parkland school
shooting who gained social media fame, has announced his intention to launch
primary races against vulnerable Democrats.
The 25-year-old Hogg, armed only with a bottomless
reserve of self-regard and 1 million followers on X (Twitter), has never
actually run a campaign or successfully helped a candidate win a race. And yet
he has gone to war with some of the biggest names in Democratic politics, such
as James Carville, who dubbed Hogg a “contemptible little twerp.”
Democrats are increasingly elevating “influencers”
instead of coalition-builders. The online crowd may love it. But swing voters?
Not so much.
All of this makes it extraordinarily difficult for
Democrats to rebuild the kind of broad coalition that once delivered them
national power. In a pre-algorithmic world, you could tell the union guys in
Michigan not to worry about the college activists in Berkeley. Now, the union
guys are seeing every sign the activists wave and every statue they pull down,
in real time. And they don’t like it one bit.
At the same time, Republicans have been thriving in this
new-media era. Trump rose to the presidency in part because he spoke directly
to voters without the filter of the mainstream media. And once president, he
was able to create an alternate reality in which his every action was
“perfect,” he actually won the 2020 presidential election, “tariff” is a
beautiful word, and so on. Social media helped him to command complete control
of the party and quash dissent.
The old idea of big-tent politics assumes a certain
amount of grace — that not everyone in your party needs to agree on every
cultural issue, since the goal is winning elections, not policing orthodoxy.
But social media has made grace nearly impossible. Every tweet is a litmus
test. Every video is a referendum. Every candidate is now held accountable for
the most absurd thing said by a loudmouth stranger with a smartphone.
Democrats can still win elections — Joe Biden did in 2020
— but the long-term prognosis for a party that is increasingly defined by its
most performative wing is not good. Their brand is suffering as the extremists
punish the moderates for acting like grown-ups. Until Democrats log off and
tune out their own extremes, they’ll keep losing voters faster than they gain
followers.
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